Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 22 Oct 2024

I have a received an apology from Senator Diarmuid Wilson. The agenda item for this afternoon is to look at the work of Irish Aid, as this year, 2024, marks its 50th anniversary. We are also taking the opportunity to hear the Department's perspectives on the crisis in Sudan. In the first instance, as we are marking the 50th anniversary of the work of Irish Aid, I acknowledge the mammoth contribution of Irish Aid in the most underprivileged and challenging regions of the globe. Irish people are very proud of this work on a day-to-day basis.

We are very pleased to welcome officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs from Irish Aid in the form of Mr. Michael Gaffey, director general of development co-operation, Africa division; Ms Nicole McHugh, director of the humanitarian unit; and Ms Deirdre Clancy, deputy director of the Africa unit. They are all welcome.

The format of the meeting is in the usual manner. We will hear opening statements from the witnesses, in turn followed by questions and answers with members of the committee. I ask members to be concise with their questions to allow all members the opportunity to engage in participation.

Our note on privilege is to the effect that witnesses and members are reminded of the long-standing parliamentary practice that we should not criticise or make charges against any person or entity by name or in such a way as to make him, her or it in any way identifiable, or otherwise engage in speech that might be regarded as damaging to the good name of that person or entity. Therefore, if statements are potentially defamatory with regard to an identifiable person or entity, they will be directed to discontinue their remarks. It is imperative that any such direction be complied with.

I remind members they are only allowed to participate in the meeting if they are physically located in the Leinster House complex. I also remind our guests from the Department of Foreign Affairs that we still operate a kind of hybrid post-Covid regime here insofar as some members are in their offices. I welcome in particular in that mode, Deputy Devlin, Senator Craughwell and Deputy Cronin. Members are entitled to make their statements, observations and questions from their office as long as they are located within the complex of Leinster House, as I have stated.

I now call on Mr. Michael Gaffey to make his opening statement.

I thank the Chair and members of the joint committee for this opportunity to brief them on Ireland’s international development priorities as we mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of Irish Aid, and to provide an update on the humanitarian crisis unfolding as a result of the appalling conflict in Sudan.

The decision to establish an official aid programme was taken by the Government in conjunction with Ireland’s joining the European Economic Community in 1973, and on the basis of many years of engagement with the developing world, especially Africa, through missionaries and volunteers supported by communities right across the country.

The world has changed hugely since 1974. The global population has increased from just under 4 billion to over 8 billion but massive transformational progress has been made due to the technological revolution in industrialisation, healthcare and disease eradication, as well as in agriculture and food production. Ireland worked in the early years of the programme on the direct transfer of experience to developing countries, including through locally based programmes. We subsequently adopted a more systemic approach, working with governments and local authorities in developing countries, as well as communities and civil society. We committed explicitly to the 0.7% target for official development assistance, broadening our work also beyond the original countries in Africa.

In 2024, we face a world of complexity and crisis, but one in which we do have the tools to address poverty and hunger, if the international community can generate the political will to do so. The sustainable development goals, adopted in 2015, still provide a transformational pathway but we need to refocus and implement, in line with the commitments brokered by Ireland at the SDG summit in New York last year. The interconnected crises of poverty and hunger, humanitarian need, disease and the existential threat of climate change may at times seem to be overwhelming but again, the world has the means to address them.

However, again, the world has the means to address them. Ireland’s international development policy, A Better World, was adopted in 2019 and remains wholly relevant. It prioritises our commitment to the SDGs with a particular focus on food and nutrition, gender equality, reducing humanitarian need and climate action. It is a whole-of-government policy and not one just for the Department of Foreign Affairs or Irish Aid. It commits us, in all of our actions, to put into practice the overriding principle of reaching those left furthest behind first.

I highlight Ireland’s leadership on global efforts to reduce hunger and malnutrition, the statistics on which have been heading in the wrong direction since 2019, accentuated further by the Covid pandemic. The Food and Agriculture Organization, FAO, estimates that 864 million people globally are severely food insecure. Scandalously, wasting in children under five remains prevalent. By 2030, 6.2% of children under five will suffer from acute malnutrition and the figure could be higher if the impact of conflict continues to devastate the lives of young children. Ireland is taking a food systems transformation approach with our partners and we are specifically targeting child wasting in conjunction with UNICEF, the WHO and USAID. This year, we will fund programmes on food, agriculture and nutrition amounting to over €340 million. We will aim to take a lead at the Nutrition for Growth summit to be held in Paris next March.

Ireland is also responding to unprecedented levels of humanitarian crisis and forced displacement. This year alone, over 300 million people will need humanitarian assistance and protection, largely as a result of conflict and climate emergencies. Ireland’s response has increased dramatically. We will provide over €300 million in humanitarian assistance this year, mainly through the multilateral system and through Irish and other international NGOs. This response requires resources, provided as overseas development aid. Ireland's ODA has increased in recent years. Last year, it amounted to a total of €2.6 billion, or 0.67% of GNP, including eligible first-year costs for Ukrainian refugees in Ireland. If these Ukrainian refugee costs are excluded, ODA amounted to €1.47 billion or 0.38% of GNP last year. The Irish Aid programme managed by the Department of Foreign Affairs forms part of this overall figure. In budget 2025, provision has been made for the highest ever level of funding for that programme, €810 million. This includes an increase of €35 million on 2024, which ensures that, in 2025, Ireland will meet the target set to more than double our international climate finance to at least €225 million annually.

I will now turn to the situation in Sudan, where the humanitarian crisis is not receiving the international attention it deserves. With over 12 million people displaced from their homes as a result of the conflict and 25 million facing acute hunger, it is now the world’s worst humanitarian and protection crisis. The brutal conflict since April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces, SAF, and the so-called Rapid Support Forces, RSF, is proceeding with no evident concern on the part of the military leaders for the welfare and fate of their people. The conflict has broadened to include other groups in Sudan over the past year. Famine has been declared in areas of Darfur. The two main belligerents continue to block the delivery of life-saving aid. There are widespread and credible reports of war crimes and crimes against humanity, with horrific levels of sexual and gender-based violence affecting women and girls. The UN Secretary General’s Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide has stated that the indicators for genocide are present. It is becoming clear that no side will be able to win this war decisively.

Ireland has been responding. So far this year, the Government has provided over €14 million in bilateral humanitarian aid for people in Sudan and for those who have fled to neighbouring countries. This support has been channelled through local responders, UN agencies and Irish and international NGOs, including Concern, Trócaire, GOAL and World Vision. Through the international humanitarian donor community, Ireland has supported mechanisms providing funding to those on the front line of the humanitarian response, such as the community workers in the so-called emergency rooms. However, no matter how much is provided, humanitarian assistance is not enough. The parties to the conflict need to permit humanitarian access, end attacks on civilians and come back to the negotiating table. External actors need to end financial and military support to the belligerents. Ireland has championed sanctions through the EU and accountability mechanisms through the Human Rights Council in Geneva. During his visit to the Horn of Africa, including Kenya and Ethiopia, in July, the Tánaiste pledged to use every opportunity to advocate for strengthened international action on Sudan. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste focused strongly on Sudan at the UN General Assembly last month and Ireland will continue to raise its voice at the United Nations. Last week, Ireland took the initiative to have Sudan discussed at the European Council in Brussels and to have conclusions adopted.

The people of Sudan were clear in their demand for freedom, peace and justice during the failed or thwarted democratic transition in 2018 and 2019. Ireland will continue to support their demand for democratic transition and to ensure that the international community prioritises the voices of Sudanese civil society and not just those of military leaders.

My colleagues and I would be pleased to elaborate further on Ireland’s response to this and other crises, not least the war as a result of Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, the appalling suffering of the people of Gaza and the wider region and the unfolding crisis in Lebanon, all of which require a humanitarian response and, more fundamentally, determined political action to address root causes. I am convinced that the Irish people recognise the need to act in the world in accordance with our values and interests with a commitment to long-term development work focused on the most vulnerable, immediate and longer-term action to address humanitarian need and crisis and to playing our part in addressing the existential threat of climate change. My colleagues and I would be pleased to respond to the committee's views on how Irish Aid and the Department of Foreign Affairs can respond more effectively to these challenges.

I am sorry; I thought there were others before me. I welcome the witnesses. It is great to see the anniversary of Irish Aid's 1974 establishment. I was doing the leaving certificate that year, which was a long time ago. A lot of work has gone on in that time but, looking at what is happening in the world, you would despair and wonder if we are going backwards or forwards. As the witnesses probably know, I have been raising the issue of Sudan in the Dáil for quite some time. I have been asking parliamentary questions and having discussions and debates with the Tánaiste and others on the issue. It is absolutely appalling. I am not sure what the answer is. It does not seem to be getting any better and there does not seem to be any sign of a resolution. I note from Mr. Gaffey's comments that outside actors are involved in providing military aid, weaponry and so on to both sides of the conflict, which is adding to it. The humanitarian distress is obviously awful. As Mr. Gaffey has said, 25.6 million are hungry and 12.7 million are displaced.

I note that there are 1,600 Sudanese medical doctors in Ireland. Will the witnesses comment on the Sudanese community in Ireland and how they and their families are impacted by this? It must be terrible for them to see what is going on. I understand cholera and other diseases are breaking out and having a very significant impact. In our worst nightmares, we cannot visualise what is happening.

We have mentioned Gaza and Ukraine. They are in the news all of the time. I do not want to compare conflicts because they are all awful but why has international media has not taken more notice of this conflict, which is particularly gruesome and shocking in every aspect?

Why have the international media not taken more notice of it? Why is it not on our television screens every night as the first or second item?

What is the impact on neighbouring countries? I note Mr. Gaffey said some 2 million people have been displaced to neighbouring jurisdictions. Some of those other countries were already impacted by refugees and displaced persons. In Sudan itself, 10.7 million people have been displaced and South Sudan is impacted. Sudan was one of the poorest countries in the world before this started.

How many Irish citizens are still in Sudan and how are they faring? There has been talk of sanctions. A small number of people have been sanctioned but I am not sure what impact that is having or whether more could be done in that respect. Is there anything else the Government could do to draw attention to this awful conflict and have a ceasefire declared? The Jeddah conference or process did not yield anything positive. The Janjaweed are still there and are at the root of all this.

Why did the two generals fall out? Mr. Gaffey may not know the answer to that question. They overthrew a democratically elected government and then fell out and started a war between themselves. The Rapid Support Forces were to be integrated into the Sudanese Armed Forces. Is it just a major power struggle at the root of all this or is there some other reason we do not know about for this awful bloody conflict? I have heard genocide being mentioned. Crimes against humanity are occurring. The torture and, in particular, the sexual violence against women and girls are absolutely heartbreaking.

I do not want to move away from marking the anniversary of Irish Aid and what a positive force it is globally. Ireland is punching way above its weight. At the same time, we can see what is going on in many parts of the world. There are many other conflicts. I read recently there are 76 serious conflicts taking place in various places around the globe that are not getting any mention. We can think of what is happening in Bangladesh with the refugees there and in various other places around the globe. We think too of Central and South America and what is happening in Haiti. It goes on and on. One wonders where the world is heading to at all. Those are my questions and comments.

I thank Deputy Stanton. We note that he raises Sudan in the Dáil very regularly. It is interesting to note and link the two themes. When Irish Aid was established back in 1974 Sudan was one of the first countries Ireland worked in, right up to the end of the 1980s - it may have been 1989 - when we stopped working directly there, in part because of the very bad human rights record. We have a lot of connections with Sudan historically but also through that work and especially in the area of health and medicine. We also built up links between Ireland and Sudan, which we have kept alive over the years and which keep us in touch with what is happening, even when it is difficult to act directly on the ground.

The Sudanese community in Ireland is very large. As the Deputy has said, a large number of doctors are working in the Irish health service and making a huge contribution to Ireland. They have remained in contact with their families at home insofar as they can. They are also advocating strongly with us for Sudan. We are in touch with them all of the time.

At the start of the crisis, in the first month, we evacuated some 350 Irish citizens from Sudan. Many of those are dual citizens, Sudanese and Irish, which is a result of the large numbers of Sudanese who have lived in Ireland over the years. We have estimates of the exact number of Irish citizens still in Sudan. It depends on those who have registered and not everybody has registered, so I would not want to be too specific on it. It is not a huge number but there are citizens still there. The situation is really difficult for everyone in the whole country.

The Deputy hit the nail on the head when he described the two leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. Having thwarted the efforts to have a democratic transition, they fell out essentially in a fight for power. Apart from this military stalemate, there are a lot of reasons the conflict is not ending. There are interests the two main sides have economically and the interests that some from outside Sudan have economically, in terms of the resources of Sudan, which include gold and other minerals. There are too many parties interested in sustaining the conflict for their own purposes, which is just not acceptable.

The Deputy asked why the crisis is not receiving more attention. The crisis in Gaza would not be receiving attention if it were not for the large number of young Palestinian journalists who stayed behind to report on social media and through some of the more traditional media from their own places. One of the problems in Sudan is that at the start most of the international people left. They did not expect the crisis to go on for so long. The crisis is devastating and is destroying everything. Apart from a few notable exceptions, there is not sufficient attention in the media.

It is particularly useful for us in the European Union that we have an EU special representative for the Horn of Africa, Dr. Annette Weber. Dr. Weber works very hard on Sudan. The Tánaiste met with her when we were in Kenya. Dr. Weber is engaging with all the parties all of the time and is reporting back to the EU member states on developments and how the parties are thinking. It was because of our engagement with her, with Sudanese people here and with our political system that the Government took the initiative to raise Sudan at the European Council. Ireland put Sudan on the agenda of the European Council. Conclusions were adopted and will be followed up. As a result, the Foreign Affairs Council will discuss the situation in Sudan in November. There will be examination of further sanctions and further listings of entities and individuals responsible for supporting activities. The EU will continue to work with the UN and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and with the International Criminal Court, on the reports of violations of human rights.

Critically, Ireland has been calling for civil protection - protection of civilians - and looking at how we can improve the position of civilians in the current situation where neither of the main belligerents is paying any attention to human rights or the welfare of the citizens of Sudan. It is a difficult one but it is very important for the EU to now work closely with the African Union and the UN on possibilities for some mechanism, maybe an international mechanism or maybe one led by Africans, to focus on the protection of civilians. We see that as a priority.

The real challenge is how to deliver assistance effectively, not just within Sudan but in the neighbouring countries, as the Deputy mentioned. That is the major challenge, including for the whole UN system. The Horn of Africa was a very unstable region, with conflicts drawing attention originally in Ethiopia and also with the situation in Somalia. Further to the west, as one moves towards the Sahel, there is a lot of instability and some of the neighbours of Sudan such as Chad risk being overwhelmed by this conflict.

We have to look through the international system at how we can provide assistance both inside and within Sudan. The challenge within Sudan is to find those local groups, emergency rooms and committees of people that grew out of the original resistance committees during the revolution for a democratic transition, and to work with local actors. That is difficult but through the Sudan Humanitarian Fund, run by the UN, we are managing to ensure that some progress is being made and that real work is being carried out at a local level. We really would not want to underestimate the extent of this crisis. It looks like there will be an upsurge of violence in the coming months. The situation is not looking hopeful. We discussed this with Irish NGOs that presented to the committee. It is essential that all of us, including officials, Government, politicians and civil society raise the Sudanese issue, although not at the expense of any other issue, with the Irish public and that we continue that work in the European Union and United Nations, because sometimes the voice of a country like Ireland is needed on this if others that may have more direct interests stay silent or are focused elsewhere. Our interests in Sudan are driven by humanitarian concern and our links with the people of Sudan over the years.

I thank Mr. Gaffey for that and for the work he and his team are doing on this. I understand that about half the country is experiencing severe hunger at the moment. The figure I have seen is 25.6 million. What is his estimate of the number of people killed? Officially, 20,000 people have been killed but I have seen figures stating 150,000 may have been slaughtered so far. With the looming famine, the number of people who may die because of this could escalate to 1 million or more quite quickly. I urge that this be treated with serious urgency. As Mr. Gaffey said, it is the most serious conflict in the world today. I understand his explanation for why it is not getting more notice. It is quite reasonable that if there is nobody to report what is going on, then people do not know about it.

Mr. Gaffey commented about the Horn of Africa and other neighbouring countries also being destabilised. How much has this been caused by underdevelopment over the centuries? Africa has certainly suffered from being a colony of other European countries. This is probably an issue too. Will he comment on the capital, Khartoum? I understand it has almost been levelled at this stage. It is pretty bleak.

What is the balance between the two forces? It might be resolved if one of the armies won but at the moment my understanding is that it is almost a stalemate, that they are both equally resourced from outside, and that no one is gaining any advantage. I would prefer if there was a ceasefire, full stop, but the other resolution here would be for one actor to be defeated and then there would not be a war if that happened. I worry about retribution further down the road if that happened because the rule of law does not exist in any shape or form in this country, from what I can see. The terror and violence there is unprecedented in many ways.

The Deputy's final comment is true. The longer a conflict like this goes on, the less it becomes just one side versus another. Certain regions get dominated by other armed groups. There are tribal breakaways. It becomes a much more complex conflict. The history of Sudan is incredibly complex. It is not a simple country at all. As with everything in Africa, the post-colonial divisions of Africa, combined with underdevelopment, including across the Horn of Africa, with every country being its own context, has really ensured that stability has been hard to establish since decolonisation. It appears that the two sides are not so much at a stalemate but that no one side is going to have a decisive victory as matters stand. There was renewed serious fighting Khartoum in recent months but it seems to be at something of a stalemate. By the latest accounts, the city of Khartoum has been devastated by this conflict.

There is no option but to continue to work, at least as a first step, for a ceasefire, working with African leaders and the African Union as much as possible. There are signs of greater engagement but it is a long process. That is why, when the Tánaiste was in the Horn of Africa, he had quite lengthy discussions on Sudan with President Ruto of Kenya and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia. There is much to be done there. There is no option but to work for a truce or ceasefire. To wait for victory would only lead to further suffering for the people.

The Deputy mentioned the numbers killed. Everyone believes it has been significantly higher than 20,000, but the numbers are not being counted right across the country and must be higher than that. Even the number affected by hunger, at 25 million, is an estimate. The process for the declaration of famine is quite a complex technical one. The reality of famine and acute hunger in people does not depend on a declaration. It is a real catastrophe. Many observers fear that this could become one of the great humanitarian catastrophes of our era. This conflict, which started as a fight for power, is devastating a country that is really important for the stability of the continent. There is every reason for the international community to be more involved. The EU is seeing that. The United States has been involved. Its efforts at brokering peace talks and a ceasefire have not been successful to date. Without going into the details, it is clear that we as the European Union and other friendly countries need to put pressure on other countries across the region not to engage in a way that is fuelling the conflict because of certain economic or other interests.

It does not take from the seriousness of other conflicts around the world to highlight the situation in Sudan. It is also important to note that the situation in Sudan has implications and will have further implications for countries right across Africa and which are in crisis. These crises play against each other so there is every reason for the European Union to step up its efforts. I would definitely pay tribute to the EU special representative on Africa, Annette Weber. An official from the Department of Foreign Affairs is working in her office to help with her work.

I thank Mr. Gaffey. As he will be aware, we recently had an opportunity to hear quite a comprehensive, if pessimistic, presentation at our committee from Dóchas, led by Jane-Ann McKenna, its CEO, Caoimhe de Barra from Trócaire, David Regan of Concern, and Siobhan Walsh, the CEO of GOAL. The picture they painted for us was one of dire circumstances in Sudan. Acknowledging the work that Irish Aid does and following on from what Mr. Gaffey said in reply to Deputy Stanton, Irish Aid is limited in what it can do to ensure a cessation of hostilities. That said, there are issues that Mr. Gaffey might be in a position to address us on, for example, the safety of humanitarian workers with regard to their safe passage or passage of humanitarian aid.

Will he comment on the implementation of international humanitarian law? We see from time to time decisions being made on the human rights situation coming from the UN in Geneva. He sees the situation on the ground along with our NGOs. How confident is he in the implementation of humanitarian law? We read and see on our screens the restricted nature of access by road, access from ports to central areas and the day-to-day logistical issues that arise in the delivery of humanitarian aid.

A strong message given to us related to urgent humanitarian funding, acknowledging that there is a critical need for increased funding. That is a message that the witnesses and the Department of Foreign Affairs hear on a daily basis, as does the Minister and this committee in our deliberations as a parliamentary committee charged with responsibility for scrutinising budgets. Our ask on an annual basis, pre-budget, is for increased funding. There is a critical need in Sudan for such increased funding. Rather than dwell on increased funding, I would prefer if the witnesses would comment on the flexibility or otherwise of that funding, the application of the funding in a way that oftentimes is rigid and how the flexibility of funding can be dealt with in a way that allows for nothing more than day-to-day planning. Do the witnesses from time to time come across an inflexibility on the matter of funding? If so, how might that be dealt with?

One of the issues in terms of the flexibility of funding may well be investment in a form of longer-term resilience alongside the matter of urgent, necessary and important humanitarian aid and dealing with on-the-ground issues in ensuring that the application of funding is maximised at its ultimate destination.

I acknowledge the role that Dóchas and the Irish NGOs have played in highlighting in Ireland the crisis in Sudan and in lobbying for increased attention and increased humanitarian assistance for it.

There are major challenges, as the Cathaoirleach set out, in the provision of that humanitarian assistance. Initially, when the war started all the international staff left and many then gathered again in Port Sudan. However, there have been issues of access down to Khartoum, although those have been gradually dealt with. There are many Sudanese who are ready to drive trucks to deliver aid. However, access across the whole country is almost impossible. There are areas where it would be impossible to get to. Only recently there has been an improvement in opening up access from Chad but it is limited. That is a huge problem and it is accentuated by the fact that, as the Cathaoirleach said, there are gross abuses of international humanitarian law right across the country by all parties to the conflict. We are not confident at all that international humanitarian law is being observed in the conflict in Sudan by any of the parties. That increases the danger massively for the people of Sudan and for those working to provide assistance.

The issue of funding is a huge one. I am going to ask Ms McHugh, the humanitarian director, to brief the committee a little on how the multilateral system is attempting to be as flexible as possible on this. A major way that we provide funding is through flexible and quick-responding UN mechanisms such as the central emergency relief fund and the Sudanese humanitarian fund. We have been working hard, not just on this crisis but in general to link up the approach that we take and that the international community should take, linking up immediate response, resilience measures, longer-term development and a focus on peace.

This famous humanitarian-development-peace nexus is often a term that is bandied around but it also has to be a way of working where we are not just operating in silos such as "I am humanitarian", "I am development" and somebody else is looking at peace. For the people of Sudan, the reality of life combines a humanitarian crisis, under-development and the need for international actors to be working on peace. We cannot just work in one area. That requires greater flexibility in funding than maybe has been the case in the past. Apart from operating through the UN system and the multilaterals, which we will come back to, we have been funding the Irish NGOs in their response. There is increasing recognition by Irish civil society that they need to work in conjunction with Sudanese civil society and Sudanese communities. That is also something we are doing through the United Nations. Ms McHugh might brief the committee on that humanitarian response and its flexibility.

I thank the Cathaoirleach and the committee for shining a spotlight on Sudan, a crisis that we have been watching unfold with horror over the past few years. Ireland can be proud that we ensure we shine a spotlight on those underfunded and forgotten crises. Some 70% to 80% of our funding, which is now approximately €320 million, is for these crises that are less visible and that are not on our screens every day.

In 2023, we ensured that €11.5 million of our allocation went to Sudan and neighbouring countries, given the enormous needs that were there already. In 2024, our funding has reached a high of €14 million. That is dispersed through a range of partners. Mr. Gaffey mentioned our support to Irish NGOs, which are doing an incredible job. I also listened in when their representative appeared before the committee demonstrating how dangerous the situation is for humanitarian workers on the ground. We have not seen as great a disregard for international humanitarian law globally as we have in the past 12 to 24 months. Indeed, in Gaza alone, 280 health workers have perished. I am not sure of the figure in Sudan but it is significant. We are also seeing huge attacks resulting in significant civilian deaths but damage to civilian infrastructure. Very few hospitals are still functioning across Sudan and other crises in which we work.

The Cathaoirleach spoke about flexible funding. This is an area in which Ireland is a leader. We call ourselves leaders in quality funding. Quality funding means that agencies have predictable resources that they can programme in advance. Quality funding is flexible and can pivot to where the needs are greatest. We also ensure that the funding is multiyear so that even in a humanitarian response, we can have some sort of assurance that resilience is being built for communities on the brink. It is difficult in crises such as that in Sudan when access is such an issue. Ireland has really gone the extra mile to call out the lack of access and to point out how unfettered humanitarian access is absolutely at the core of the need to respect international humanitarian law.

Partners that we have supported consistently in Sudan include the United Nations humanitarian fund, which is run by OCHA and has received €5 million in funding from Ireland this year. The beauty of OCHA’s humanitarian fund is that it co-ordinates funding from across the donor landscape and it channels funding to international NGOs and through international NGOs to local actors. We are conscious that it is local actors on the ground closest to communities in hard-to-reach areas who are doing the most important work, especially in a context like Sudan where the access is such a problem.

Mr. Gaffey spoke about the emergency rooms and Siobhan Walsh of GOAL had also referenced them. These are very small community groups, often run by women at the community level who provide incredible support to communities, such as kitchens and childcare, to keep communities functioning. It is difficult for the Irish Government to support those very small community groups directly, so working through the UN and through our international NGO partners has allowed us to do that.

We are also supporting the likes of UNFPA and the International Rescue Committee. This is particularly important given that Sudan is really a protection crisis. We have heard the horrific stories of the treatment of women and girls in Sudan. UNFPA has had access to the whole country to be able to set up safe spaces for women to work on prevention of gender-based violence, support for survivors, dignity kits for women and sexual reproductive health. We ring-fenced some of our funding specifically for UNFPA and the International Rescue Committee to ensure there was this strong focus on women.

Apart from our bilateral support, which encompasses the €12 million, Ireland tends to preposition financing with some of the bigger funds, like the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund. I am currently the chair of the Central Emergency Response Fund advisory group, which advises the Secretary-General of the United Nations on the direction of the fund. This fund has an ambition to reach $1 billion. It is currently unfortunately only at around $500 million. It has two windows, an underfunded emergency window and a rapid-response window, both of which have released significant funding to Sudan this year. What is important about this money is that it is quick, rapid and it works at scale very quickly. With a push of a button, in 24 hours, the funding can reach agencies on the ground.

We are also supporting other core agencies with core funding, like the World Food Programme and WHO, which has indicated that more than 7 million people in Sudan are now at crisis points in terms of health services, and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which plays a critical role as guardians of international humanitarian law and also in access negotiations. It has had access to the two warring factions to try to ensure that access is achieved, even small scale, for humanitarian actors. The UN OCHA also plays a key mediation role in terms of access. We provide core funding to the Red Cross family, to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, to agencies like the World Food Programme and to others to ensure that the money hits the ground quickly.

Ireland is providing much more than just the bilateral funding. We provide €14 million to the UN CERF on an annual basis and we have core funding to WFP through the Department of agriculture and to WHO through ourselves and the Department of Health.

I will leave it there.

I thank Ms McHugh. That is very useful. It is again indicative to us of the range of funding available and the manner in which the Department is looking more towards direct funding rather than a cumbersome form of engagement, which can often result in frustration and administrative delays.

Deputy Cronin wants to come in but, before she does, I have two questions for Mr. Gaffey. Without wishing to draw Irish Aid into the political situation, he mentioned the very complex and difficult situation facing Sudan from a political perspective, which is unlikely to be resolved without international support and international effort. He mentioned the European Union, the US and the United Nations. He did not make any reference to any great extent of the organisation of African states. Is there a role, a greater role or an opportunity for the African Union states to play a more supportive role in bringing about a form of resolution?

Away from Sudan but having regard to the fact that Mr. Gaffey referenced the SDGs, before we conclude, I ask him to give us an update on that. It is something this committee has been very much engaged in, Deputy Stanton in particular playing a leading role in Parliament on Ireland’s engagement and involvement going back to the beginning of the formulation of the pathway towards the SDGs. We saw in this committee the impact of Covid-19 on the manner in which the goals were, if you like, knocked off track, particularly in the area of education. Since then, we have seen various international conflicts and strife add further to that sense of difficulty in achieving the targets. We know that Ireland has again been engaged in a review in the autumn of this year. Is Mr. Gaffey confident or hopeful that matters might be back on track? Is there anything that, from a parliamentary perspective, maybe in conjunction with other parliaments, Ireland might be in a position to do in order to recalibrate – if that is an appropriate word, without wishing to downplay – the extent of the targets? Where are we? As we approach the end of another year, where are we in respect of the SDG targets?

After Mr. Gaffey's contribution, I wish to bring in Deputy Cronin, from her office.

On the role of other regional actors, yes, it is very important that the African Union maintain its engagement. I think it is fair to say it was a little slow at the start but it is now working to try to get involved. It has various proposals and mechanisms under discussion. Various African leaders are trying. To give them their due, Prime Minister Abiy is trying as is President Ruto. There is a stronger effort now to get the African Union involved and, on the African Union side, to look at how they can influence both parties. There is the difficulty of different countries being aligned with the different sides, but it is important to step above that. There is examination of how the African Union, perhaps through some mission, can play a role in providing protection to civilians. It is a major ask, but I think for the African Union to in succeed in doing something like that, it will need to do so with the support of the European Union and the UN. It is vital that we continue and step up our engagement with the African Union. Without going into the details of other parties, it is also vital and recognised that all of us need to engage with our friends across the Gulf region who have become involved in supporting one or other side in the conflict also. The conflict will not be resolved simply. There is much outside engagement and the next US administration, along with the European Union, will need to engage strongly along with the African Union and with the Gulf countries to press for progress towards at least a truce or ceasefire.

As we said at the start, neither side at the moment will have a decisive victory over the other and the result is untold suffering among the Sudanese people.

I go back to an earlier question the Chairman asked about international humanitarian law. Earlier this month at the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Ireland and the EU pushed hard to achieve the reappointment of the international independent factfinding mission for Sudan which, in its first year, determined that there have been multiple and widespread war crimes and crimes against humanity committed across the whole of Sudan and by all parties to the conflict. It is important that that mandate has been renewed and they have been reappointed for a further year. Even if it might seem difficult to act on these reports immediately, it is absolutely vital that these abuses and crimes be documented for the future.

We also need to work with the International Criminal Court prosecutor who is conducting an active investigation on the situation in Darfur. I imagine it will be necessary to have active investigations on the situation throughout the country. The documenting of what is happening through official UN mechanisms is critical. What we learn through local communities and these emergency rooms about the situation is also vital.

As the Chairman said, the sustainable development goals have been thrown off track. In 2015 we had a year of great optimism and the multilateral system. The sustainable development goals were adopted in September. The Paris Agreement on climate change was adopted in December. It seemed that the system had developed a kind of universal framework for development which had a chance of really improving the situation for the most vulnerable while also taking a more integrated approach to development with responsibilities on all countries in all regions. Progress was definitely being made for a number of years, but Covid threw matters of track significantly. Even before that, for instance, the numbers of people living in extreme poverty and suffering from hunger were starting to go backwards from about 2019.

The level of commitment right across the board internationally has not been a strong as was originally hoped for. The generation of resources needed by governments to develop in accordance with their own priorities and plans have not been as large as should be. ODA is only a small part of the equation, but it remains very important in ensuring a focus on the poorest and most vulnerable countries and the fragile states. There is also a need to look at the whole international financial system and how it is generating and distributing resources to developing countries and how the voices of developing countries are heard in that financial system. Those debates are under way in Washington this week with the annual meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.

It was clear when Ireland led on the political declaration for the SDG summit in New York in September 2023 we were very off track with the SDGs. The Summit for the Future this year recommitted us to the political declaration last year, to the SDGs, to the work needed to scale up attention on the SDGs. However the truth is that only 17% of the targets are on track to be met by 2030. That is across all areas of the goals. I suppose we will not achieve the SDGs by 2030 but the danger is that countries would be tempted to give up on the basis that they are not achievable. We need to resume a focus on them and how to make progress. It is also an issue that has contributed to a certain loss of trust between the developed and the developing world with many African countries, for instance, saying that Europe and other developed countries have stopped paying attention to sustainable development goals.

The Irish Government regard the SDGs as crucial for sustainable development but also crucial for the relationship between the developed and the developing world. Ireland has played a very prominent role because we were very prominent in the adoption of the goals in 2015, in the review in 2023 and again this year at the Summit of the Future. We are active across Europe, in the European Union and in European Union development policy, to ensure that there is no deviation from the commitment to the goals. That is an ongoing challenge for us and I can assure the committee Ireland is very active on that.

Soon, of course, there will be the discussion on the framework to come after 2030. The approach Ireland is taking is that we cannot take our eye off the ball on making as much progress as possible through, especially in our case, a focus on poverty and hunger, making as much progress as possible and then renewing commitment and ensuring that we do not lose out on commitment. There might be some countries in the developing world which might have other problems to look at. They might prefer to refine down the goals and pick one or two targets as before with the millennium development goals.

It is really important for our engagement as global citizens but also our relations with the developing world and especially with African countries that we are seen to support the reinforcement of the framework agreed with the SDGs. Key to any future framework and to the current framework will be the financing arrangements, the generation of resources for sustainable development. In Seville in Spain next June there will be the international conference on financing for development. The last one was held in Addis Ababa in 2015 in advance of the adoption of the SDGs. That will be a moment where the world has to come together to examine how to finance the ambitious goals that we have set out and how to ensure that we do not pull back from them. It is a very current debate in the area of development which also has political ramifications.

I thank Mr. Gaffey for his presentation on the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. He mentioned that the conflict in Sudan is the world's worst humanitarian crisis and, God knows, it has a lot of competition in that. Are there any specific diplomatic actions that Ireland can advocate to secure humanitarian access and work something around the external support for these warring parties?

Ms McHugh mentioned gender inequality and the gender and sexual-based violence in Sudan which is a critical concern. Can Ireland take any measures to protect and support women and girls affected by this violence? I know it is very hard to get in there.

I ask Mr. Gaffey about co-operation with Irish NGOs. Irish Aid collaborates with Concern, Trócaire and GOAL. How is that partnership evolving to meet the growing complexity of global humanitarian crises? When there are so many conflict zones such as Ukraine, Sudan, Gaza and now Lebanon, how does Irish Aid manage to balance the humanitarian assistance with its commitments in all these regions affected by these crises and wars?

I will respond on Sudan first. The Deputy asked what more Ireland can do.

In the context of humanitarian access and external support, we have to work through a set of different channels. Ireland can act on an individual basis. We have a voice at the United Nations that is strong. We also have a voice in countries across Africa where we have embassies and where we are working in partnership on development assistance. We engage on the humanitarian issue and on the need for a ceasefire at the UN and in Africa directly and bilaterally with relevant governments, urging them to do what they can.

The Tánaiste spoke recently of the need for all of us to have difficult conversations with our friends who may be involved indirectly in the conflict. The commitment the Government has made to raise the issue of Sudan at the UN and within the EU, as well as directly at the United Nations and in our engagement with other African countries like South Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya or Egypt, is really important. Evidence of this is the fact that Ireland insisted that Sudan be raised at the European Council meeting last week. That will result in further attention over the coming month. That was something that might seem surprising to some in the European Union, except that Ireland has taken a lead on emphasising Europe's strategic interest, in accordance with its interests and its values, in relationships with Africa. It is clear that Europe and Africa will inevitably have to develop together over the next century. They are neighbours. Africa is in our neighbourhood. If Africa is underdeveloped, that will have an impact on Europe. It is a mutual need to work together, apart from the humanitarian values we espouse and need to work on. Ireland will continue to raise the situation in Sudan and to draw attention to it. There are limits to what you can do on a day to day basis to ease some of the suffering.

The Deputy mentioned gender-based violence. It is important that we are seen to highlight this appalling situation because it is sometimes ignored. We provide funding for work on gender-based violence through organisations like the UNFPA. Ireland has an almost unique arrangement in its GBV consortium, which brings together different Departments, the Defence Forces and all those across Government who have some role in countering gender-based violence. That is another way that governments and NGOs work together to highlight the problems. To work directly on them we do everything we can to work through the UN agencies, but also to get support right down into communities as Ms McHugh was explaining.

The Irish NGOs are important because they can work in the field with Irish aid workers. Concern has people in Chad. GOAL has people in Sudan. They also critically work with local civil society organisations and local communities in Sudan. The partnership Irish Aid has with the Irish development NGOs is absolutely critical. It is probably the strongest partnership that any European country has between government and development NGOs. We are lucky that because of the support of the Irish people there is a strong development sector in Ireland. It is not so strong in some other countries. We are lucky we have a variety of NGOs focusing on different areas of development and we are lucky we have such strong support for a humanitarian response. The funding mechanisms we have put in place in recent years respond to this need to work flexibly across long-term and immediate needs and to ensure funding is not siloed and there is flexibility in how it is used. The Irish civil society partnership, which is the funding mechanism for the large ten NGOs, includes both development and humanitarian funding and allows for flexible use of that funding so there can be a quick response to emergencies without having to go through cumbersome procedures to transfer from one stream of funding to another. That funding amounts to approximately €100 million per year, with additional funding for individual emergencies.

The Deputy raised the critical point of how you respond to everything that is happening in the world. The truth is that you cannot. You have to prioritise. You will miss out on some. However, as Ms McHugh said, it is important that Ireland has made a point of insisting that we will always fund some forgotten emergencies that are not receiving attention. Even when we were providing additional funding for Gaza, we made sure to provide something for Sudan. We will also make sure to see what we can do on the situation in Myanmar, which has fallen completely out of the headlines. There is also Yemen, which is the poorest country in the Middle East, and has suffered from conflict, famine, hunger and interference from its neighbours for years. We make a point of ensuring that the conflict in Yemen is not forgotten. Inevitably, however, we have to focus at times more strongly on some conflicts than others. In Gaza, for instance, since the start of 2023 we have provided more than €61 million in assistance for the Palestinian people, which is significantly higher than it would have been in previous years. There is a commitment from Government to continue to do so, but it is undoubtedly difficult with limited budgets. Every budget is limited in order to be able to ensure that the level of humanitarian need receives the response it deserves.

In addition, the Irish people have been responding and the Irish NGOs have in recent weeks been making appeals in respect of Sudan, Gaza and Lebanon. It is also important that the people are responding directly as well as us responding with taxpayers' money that we have been asked, and have the honour, to manage. We have a budget next year in Irish Aid of €810 million. That is the highest level it has ever been since the programme was set up, but it would not be right to devote all of that to humanitarian funding. We have to have a balance between development funding, humanitarian funding and what is needed for the overall existential threat of climate change. All I can say is that we are working hard to ensure as integrated an approach as we can, rather than siloed approaches to that funding. Fundamentally, our funding decisions are based on need above all.

Mr. Gaffey welcomed the division of funding into development funding, humanitarian aid funding and climate change funding.

What about private sector funding? What efforts are under way to harness the massive potential for private sector funding to sit alongside Government funding?

Exactly. There is no way that the funding gap for the SDGs will be met, as has been said, by official development assistance alone. The global private sector is getting much more involved. We are involved with a lot of major organisations that receive a lot of private sector funding, including through a lot of philanthropic foundations. The Gates Foundation is one that plays a very strong role in food security and nutrition and we work in collaboration with it. We work very closely with USAID on food security and nutrition in Africa. A lot of those programmes that we work on receive significant funding from the private sector and from these major funds in the US and elsewhere.

There is a major effort across the European Union to see how the private sector can act more effectively to improve development. One aspect of that is the Global Gateway programme of the European Union, which we view as an important complement to the more traditional development work that we are doing.

Irish Aid is working to try to develop capacity in our partner countries in Africa so that the private sector can play a much stronger role. We have, for instance, the Africa Agri-Food Development Programme where we provide funding to help partnerships between Irish and African companies in the area of agriculture and rural development to get up and running and to subsidise their work. We are also, hugely through our work on education, working on that sort of capacity building to build the private sector in African countries.

In addition, and it may not sound like it is the same thing but it is, we are working on what is called "domestic resource mobilisation" so that African countries can raise taxes and public money to finance development. Overall, it involves a lot of collaboration with the public sector but also, increasingly, with the private sector. Therefore, the role of the private sector is crucial. The progress in engaging private sector development has been a little slow than it might have been, in part because in a way the motivations of public money and private money were seen to be different. However, the SDGs have been very important in building up a framework in which the private sector can engage much more effectively in development. I think some of the strongest supporters of the SDGs have been some of those major international companies and organisations.

I will bring matters to a conclusion by thanking our guests: Mr. Michael Gaffey, director general, development co-operation and Africa division; Ms McHugh, director, humanitarian unit; and Ms Clancy, deputy director, Africa unit.

Before we go into private session, I want to acknowledge our guests in the Public Gallery. They are: Mrs. Lelia Feriel Dali from the Embassy of Algeria; Mr. Alec Dufraisse, second secretary in the political division of the British Embassy; and Maryam from the Embassy of Saudi Arabia. They are very welcome.