Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 10 Oct 2024

We are signatories of the Genocide Convention; it is Irish law. That requires signatories not just to join legal cases but to take all action in its power to deter, prevent and obstruct the commission of a genocide. What is the Tánaiste doing in that regard? What has he said to the US Government or, for that matter, the Israeli Government, about the plausible commission of a genocide and his demands that it stop committing genocide?

The question originally tabled was to report on my discussions with the US or Israeli counterparts about the ongoing crisis in the Middle East as a result of Israel's assault on Gaza, in the West Bank and now in Lebanon and if I will make a statement on the matter. The crisis in the Middle East remains a key priority for me and the Government across our engagements, including in our discussions with the US and Israel. The scale and extent of the violence is shocking and appalling and I have condemned it repeatedly, as is the suffering of those caught up in this war and conflict. Ireland has been clear and consistent in calling for an immediate ceasefire, the release of hostages and humanitarian access at scale to Gaza, where the situation remains catastrophic. I am deeply concerned by the ongoing violence in the West Bank and by the surge in violence in recent days in Lebanon, including continuing Hezbollah rocket fire on Israel, Israel's massive aerial bombardments and ground incursions across the Blue Line by the Israeli Defence Forces. I condemned Iran's missile attack on Israel. We need to act urgently to avoid further escalation. I have called for an immediate ceasefire in Lebanon, for all to exercise restraint and for those with influence to use it positively. A wider conflict would be disastrous for all the peoples of the region.

Ongoing US engagement is essential to finding a solution to the current conflict. I have reiterated this in all my engagements with the US and the international community, most recently during high level week at the UN in New York last month. The Taoiseach met President Biden this week in Washington and highlighted Ireland's position during the discussion on the conflict. I met the then Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen on 16 November 2023 during my visit to the region. I reiterated Ireland’s condemnation of the terror attack by Hamas on Israel on 7 October and underlined the need for the unconditional release of all hostages. I also underlined my concern over the catastrophic situation in Gaza and reiterated calls for an immediate ceasefire, an issue on which Ireland demonstrated early and clear leadership at EU and international level. Current Israeli Foreign Minister, Israel Katz, engaged with EU foreign ministers at the Foreign Affairs Council in January this year, enabling a further exchange on the situation in Gaza, during which I underlined Ireland’s concern at clear breaches of international humanitarian law in Gaza, notably with regard to the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution.

I framed the question about the Genocide Convention because I want to know what the character of the Tánaiste's intervention with the United States or Israel is. We have more or less got it, "Ah, we condemn this, we condemn that." A bit of this, a bit of that. I am trying to reframe this and say we are talking about genocide. We are signatories of the Genocide Convention. The International Court of Justice said there is a plausible genocide taking place. This is not a bit of this and a bit of that. It is not a bit of disproportionality by Israel and a little bit of terrorism, as the Tánaiste wants to present it, by a Palestinian faction.

This is a case of a people who have been oppressed since 1948, who have been subject in Gaza to a siege for 17 years and who are subject to illegal occupation and apartheid. They are being oppressed by Israel, which is now committing genocide. What is the Tánaiste saying about that?

The Deputy knows we are preparing a legal opinion to join the South African case at the International Court of Justice. He knows that, we have said that and we have done much work on that. We were proactive in terms of the ICJ case leading to the advisory opinion, at the UN General Assembly in the first instance; at the court itself, where the AG made a submission; and in asking for the implementation of that opinion in a subsequent UN vote.

I have said very clearly the war in Gaza is a collective punishment of the people living in Gaza and has resulted in the murder of innocent civilians: children, men and women. There is no issue about that from my perspective. Equally, I continue to condemn what Hamas did on 7 October. I note the Deputy has never done that. That is a problem for him and his party. I also condemn what Hezbollah did. Never forget the fact that Hezbollah created much hostility for peacekeepers in Lebanon in the past two to three years which resulted in the killing of an Irish peacekeeper. We need complete de-escalation. The nature of modern warfare is horrific and morally wrong. The bombardment of Lebanon and Gaza and further land grabs in the West Bank are all, in my view, shocking and unacceptable and need to stop.

Why did Simon Harris not say yesterday to the United States, "Stop arming a genocide. Stop giving weapons to people to commit genocide." Even now, the Tánaiste will not use the word "genocide". He will not say "They're committing genocide", even though the world is saying it and it is obvious they are committing it.

The Tánaiste is still failing to distinguish between the oppressor and the oppressed. When the Vietnamese fought back against the American occupation, they did some nasty things, but they were the oppressed and had the right to fight the oppressor. When the Algerians fought the occupation of their country, they did some pretty nasty things but the French were the colonisers and oppressors while the Algerians were those fighting back. Who is the oppressor and who is the oppressed in the context of Palestine? The answer is Israel is the oppressor. The Israelis are occupying, committing genocide and perpetrating apartheid, not the Palestinians. Why the Tánaiste keeps creating this equivalence, I do not understand. It misrepresents the nature of this conflict. There would be no Palestinian armed resistance if it were not for the siege of Gaza, apartheid, illegal occupation and ethnic cleansing. It would not exist. Why does the Tánaiste not say that clearly, call out those responsible and, in the case of the United States, those who continue to enable this oppressive, brutal and genocidal regime?

The Israeli war against the Palestinian people is nothing other than genocide. We need to support the South African case. We need that to happen as quickly as possible. Of course we want a ceasefire. How could we not when we have seen at least 42,000 Palestinians slaughtered? We welcome the moves to recognise the Palestinian state by Ireland, Spain and Norway. We need to see movement on the EU-Israel Association Agreement, the occupied territories Bill and the illegal settlements divestment Bill. We need to see engagement with those providing weapons. That is the US, Germany, Britain and others. We need to ensure that in no way do weapons of war travel through here.

Like the Tánaiste and many others, I have been contacted by a huge number of people who are very supportive of their friends and families involved in peacekeeping operations in Lebanon, including in Camp Shamrock and the outlying posts. We all know the issues there have been and the threats from Israel. Will the Tánaiste give an update on that? We need to see justice for Private Seán Rooney, whom the Tánaiste mentioned earlier.

I am disturbed by Deputy Boyd Barrett's assertions when he refers to a few "nasty things". Murdering and slaughtering 1,200 people, some at a music concert, is not a little nasty thing. It is an outrage and should be condemned as morally reprehensible. I find it extraordinary what the Deputy has just said in this House. He has essentially said that is just a few nasty things that are justified because of the conflict between Hamas and Israel. So if you attend a music concert-----

I am not. You asked me to stop the equivalence. There is no equivalence from my perspective. International humanitarian law should be observed. I disagree fundamentally and have condemned the Israeli Government's attack on Gaza. We are doing everything we can through the international courts. The Deputy mentioned genocide. There is a convention on genocide. We are either serious about challenging and asserting that in the courts or we are not. I accept the threshold in the courts is very high because of the way the convention was signed, but we are engaging in that. The only way we have credibility in the international world is if we condemn all acts of terror, by states or by terrorist organisations.

That includes Hamas and Hezbollah. Equally, it includes the State of Israel in terms of, for example, these massive bunker bombs which take out hundreds of people in the name of taking out one commander.

I accept fully the points Deputy Ó Murchú made on our peacekeepers - their safety and security is our priority - and on continuing to pursue justice and get answers from the Lebanese justice system in respect of the killing or Private Seán Rooney, who gallantly protected his fellow soldiers in driving through that DFOM, which was a denial of access to peacekeepers. There was a context to that. He bravely drove his colleagues out of harm's way and, unfortunately, lost his life in endeavouring to protect them. I do not forget that and am conscious of that in terms of the soldiers we now have in Lebanon. My overriding priority is their safety and protection.

I thank the Deputy for raising this issue. Ireland remains steadfast in our support for the people and Government of Ukraine. The conflict, since the illegal Russian invasion in February 2022, continues to drive the numbers of people in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. As Ukraine faces into another harsh winter, Ireland's humanitarian funding will continue to target the most vulnerable, including women and children, displaced persons and those closest to conflict lines.

In 2024, Ireland is providing €23.5 million in humanitarian assistance for Ukraine. This funding is part of an overall package of €36 million of support announced recently by the Taoiseach and Tánaiste in advance of the Taoiseach’s visit to Kyiv. This funding package includes €5 million for the Ukraine humanitarian fund directly. Managed by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the Ukraine humanitarian fund provides a co-ordinated response to saving lives and strengthening resilience. It is a critical channel of support to the national NGOs and civil society organisations which are closest to communities.

Reaching across all of Ukraine's administrative districts, the fund provides essential protection, shelter and health. It assists populations affected by hostilities with food security and livelihoods, with education, and with the provision of water, sanitation and hygiene. As the conflict and related humanitarian needs evolve, the Ukraine humanitarian fund is particularly well placed to meet humanitarian and early recovery needs. Since February 2022, Ireland has provided €62.5 million in humanitarian funding to assist those in need, with €10 million in total channelled through the Ukraine humanitarian fund.

Ireland's overall support for Ukraine is multifaceted: political, humanitarian, military, and economic. We have committed €380 million in overall assistance to the Ukrainian people since February 2022.

I thank the Minister of State. I acknowledge the announcement last month of that €36 million. It is very welcome. Perhaps the Minister of State will give the House an estimate on the overall contribution the State has made on that fund since its inception in 2022.

One of the most reprehensible acts that has been done in the Ukraine-Russia conflict is the forced deportation of children from Ukraine to Russia and to Belarus. It is worth saying that many children have been deported to Belarus as well, and this is not spoken about enough or known widely. Does the Minister of State have any estimate on how many children have actually been returned from Russia and Belarus to Ukraine at this stage and how many families have been reunited? It is one of the most heinous and cruel acts that has been committed during this conflict. I would appreciate it if the Minister of State would provide an update.

I will give some further information on the breakdown of the fund I recently referred to, but now I will address the issue specifically mentioned by the Deputy.

We believe that up to 20,000 Ukrainian children have been forcibly removed to Russian detention camps or into forced adoptions in Russia. I am particularly interested in this area because on the second anniversary of the illegal invasion of Ukraine by Russia last February, I attended the second anniversary on behalf of Ireland at United Nations and spoke strongly on the issue. The United Nations felt this situation was so serious, there was a major meeting at that conference, which I was very pleased to attend, on what they called the stolen children. For example, if there was a bomb in an area and the Russian soldiers found children unaccompanied where the parents might have been in some other part of the displaced building or might have been injured, or if a child arrived in a hospital with no parent, they took those children back to Russia and gave them to families in Russia who wanted to adopt children. There have been some heroic efforts by individual Ukrainian people to find some of those children and bring them back. They are, however, moved from city to city so people would not be able to trace them. We are continuing to work on this. We do not have any official figure on the numbers for those being returned but it is quite small. This will be a lasting sore when, ultimately, peace comes and we have to reunite those families in the long term.

I commend the Minister of State. It is one of the sadder and more tragic aspects of the conflict. It is important to highlight it.

I will ask two supplementary questions if I may, one of which relates to the core homes project, through which a number of prefabricated or modular homes are being sponsored, built or constructed. Does the Minister of State have an estimate on the number we expect to deliver to Ukraine as part of the rebuilding?

I know quite a few Romanian and Moldovan citizens in Cork who are extremely concerned by Russian intervention in politics and online media in recent years. Will the Minister of State elaborate on how the Moldovans in particular are benefiting from this fund also?

I can indeed. Some funding has been provided to Moldova. I may not have the exact figure here but I can confirm to the Deputy that funding has been provided in respect of Moldova and some areas very close to the Ukraine situation. A lot of the funding we are providing will go into reconstruction and building modular homes, as the Deputy mentioned. The figures I mentioned earlier are the humanitarian fund, but the redevelopment and reconstruction of Ukraine has to start as soon as possible. This is why a large amount of the funding we have committed to is for that reconstruction progress.

On the specific question on the modular homes, I do not have that answer here but I will make sure to get the information and forward it to the Deputy.

Recently, the French President nominated Michel Barnier and the Assemblée nationale has confirmed him as the new Prime Minister of France. Michel Barnier is very well briefed with affairs in Ireland and is a good friend of Ireland. Has the Tánaiste reached out to him since his appointment to deepen direct contacts between France and Ireland?

I thank the Deputy for raising the question. I understand the Taoiseach has spoken to Prime Minister Barnier to congratulate him on his appointment. I know Prime Minister Barnier well from his time as the EU’s chief negotiator on Brexit. He is a good friend of Ireland and I wish him every success in his new and challenging role. Prime Minister Barnier knows Ireland well and would, of course, be very welcome to visit.

I also look forward to working with my newly appointed counterpart, the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, Jean-Noël Barrot. I have written to congratulate him on his appointment and have extended an open invitation to visit Ireland during his tenure. Former French Prime Minister, Élisabeth Borne, visited Ireland last November together with a ministerial delegation. The visit was a testament to the excellent working relationships between both countries, including at the highest levels of Government.

The Ireland-France joint plan of action comes to an end next year and it has substantially delivered for both countries on shared priorities in areas such as energy security, sustainability, research and education, and trade links. When they met recently, the Taoiseach and President Macron agreed that a second ambitious plan should now be agreed. As two committed European democracies, we share considerable interests and values which can be advanced.

We are currently witnessing great momentum in the Franco-Irish economic relationship across all sectors. Two-way trade between Ireland and France has increased substantially in the past ten years, reaching a record value of €30 billion in 2022. Our increased connectivity post Brexit has created a greater sense of proximity and given rise to new opportunities for business. France is one of the leading EU investment partners in Ireland and one of the top destinations in Europe for Irish investment. We look forward, and I look forward, to a strong working relationship with Prime Minister Barnier and his Cabinet.

I thank the Tánaiste for his reply. Although there are very good links between Ireland and France, there is capacity for even greater links in a post-Brexit environment. One of the perverse positive outcomes of Brexit was the growth in direct connectivity between Ireland and France, with direct sailings from Rosslare to France, and indeed to Belgium, rising from six per week to 46 per week in each direction.

Last week in Wexford we had a delegation from Normandy developing the Norman linked history between Wexford and the south east of Ireland in particular, but with most of Ireland too, and the Normandy region of France. There is huge potential here economically, culturally and touristically. Are we taking enough concrete measures now to ensure they are fully utilised? The appointment of a Prime Minister of France who is so well versed in Ireland and so familiar with Ireland would be great advantage. I am interested to hear the Tánaiste's perspective.

I agree wholeheartedly with the Deputy. One of the few silver linings in the dark cloud of Brexit was Rosslare. There is no question that the Franco-Irish relationship has gained a fresh momentum as a consequence of Brexit in terms of the connections but also culturally, educationally and economically. I was in Paris in August. I was launching a Gaelic games activity in the context of the Olympics. There is a spread of Gaelic games in France, in Normandy and Brittany and so on, and it is the French citizens who are leading the charge. It is not expats or the Irish living there, although some of them are doing it too. A number of French communities are enthused and it is in the schools in the area. Of course the education research links are very strong. The interconnector is going ahead and we would like a second interconnector between Ireland and France. There is also the British and Irish Film Festival, which is held in Dinard and which was on last week. There is lots going on and I agree wholeheartedly with the Deputy.

In recent times France has appointed a number of honorary consuls across the regions of Ireland, including one in Wexford. Does the Tánaiste have any plans to appoint honorary French consuls to represent Ireland in the regions of France to deepen that new connectivity?

Nick Thomas-Symonds is the British Cabinet Office minister who last week briefed the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs on the potential for the next round review of the post-Brexit trade arrangements between UK and the EU.

They are approaching that with a very positive attitude, with the participation of France. Obviously, it will be a direct negotiation between the Commission, the Council and the British Prime Minister. Having someone as experienced as the French Prime Minister might be a help in improving the wrinkles that have yet to be ironed out in the trade arrangements.

On that latter point, I met with Secretary Nick Thomas-Symonds. He is very much on top of his brief early on. Ireland stands ready to facilitate the warmest of relations between the United Kingdom and the EU because that is also of benefit to Ireland and to Europe. We will continue to be supportive of sensible and intelligent reviews of existing trade agreements between the European Union and the United Kingdom.

As I said earlier, the idea of the honorary consuls is not a bad one. I will review that and go back to my Department on it. As the Deputy knows, we recently opened a new consulate in Lyons, which is a major diplomatic initiative.

On education, the dual qualifications from Irish and French institutions has grown from 45 to 60 since 2021. France is Ireland's seventh largest export market and our third highest source of imports. In November 2022, when I was Taoiseach, I met with President Macron in Paris. An integrated sail-rail ticket idea between French and Irish cities was announced. The idea being that, for the young people of France and Ireland, an integrated sail and rail ticket would really power the dynamic interaction between our young people.

The background to my question is that we have military warplanes landing in Shannon Airport, staying for hours or overnight. We are reliant on people like the staff of The Ditch and Ed Horgan and other concerned citizens who are bringing this to our attention. Military warplanes carrying tonnes of weapons are staying overnight or passing through Shannon. What are the Government's plans to end the use of Irish airports by foreign military aircraft?

I had not heard the earlier part of the question. That is why I sought clarification.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 9 and 10 together.

Under the terms of the Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order, 1952, all foreign military aircraft wishing to overfly or land in the State require diplomatic clearance from the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Diplomatic clearance is only provided where the strict conditions set out by my Department are fully met, including that the aircraft is unarmed; that it carries no arms, ammunition or explosives; that it does not engage in intelligence gathering; and that the flight in question does not form part of a military exercise or operation. This policy is well known, is fully understood by the United States and other international partners, and is done in full compliance with Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality.

Foreign military aircraft which are given permission to land in Ireland are not subject to inspection in this regard. Sovereign immunity, a long-standing principle of customary international law, means a state may not exercise its jurisdiction in respect to another state or its property, including state and military aircraft. This principle applies automatically to foreign state or military aircraft in the same way it applies to Irish State or military aircraft abroad.

Successive governments have made landing facilities available at a number of Irish airports to the United States and other foreign militaries for well over 50 years. Arrangements for foreign military aircraft to land in Irish airports are governed by strict conditions, as I have outlined. These conditions are applicable to foreign military aircraft from all other countries seeking to land in Ireland or overfly Irish airspace. My Department ensures detailed procedures are in place to ensure all relevant parties are fully aware of the requirements relating to applications for permission for foreign military aircraft to overfly or land in the State.

I will send this on to the Tánaiste. These are all documented aeroplanes, either on contract to the US military or otherwise, that landed at Shannon Airport. These were all reported in The Ditch. Ed Horgan has also brought it to our attention. Yesterday, he documented three US warplanes were at Shannon Airport. Is the Tánaiste seriously telling me he is relying on assurances from our friend, America, that is backing Israel to hilt with arms and backing a genocidal war in Gaza? The figures are just incredible. I feel shocked reading out the figures for the deaths in Gaza. I deplore all violence. Let us not go down the route of just singling out one country with that accusation. A total of 16,756 children have been killed; the highest number of children. According to UNRWA, every day, ten children lose one or both legs. I could go on. Some 42,000 Palestinians have been killed and 100,000 have been injured, and this is backed to the hilt by American arms and they have given the thumbs-up. Do you know what they said? Just be more precise in your bombing. Try to avoid civilians.

Let us be very clear: everyone in this House, regardless of their political leanings, has called for an immediate ceasefire and an end to the war in Gaza. We have condemned the bombardment and the collective punishment of the people in Gaza. I also condemn what is happening in Lebanon, where one million people have been displaced. I condemn what is happening in the West Bank, where the Israeli Government, supporting settlers, has engaged in a new land grab with a view to undermining the viability of a future Palestinian state.

Charter planes carrying American soldiers have been landing in Shannon Airport for quite a long time. Those charter planes do not carry weaponry or military weapons. Different planes are characterised as military planes but this does not necessarily mean they are carrying any major cargo of weapons, which has been asserted from time to time. We have not received any evidence that major cargoes of military weapons are landing or stopping at Shannon Airport. The main use of the airport is commercial as a stopover for the transport of soldiers from all over the world.

You cannot find out if you do not look or inspect or you rely on reassurances from an American state that is backing Israel to the core. The last figure I have is that the US has spent €17.9 billion on military aid to Israel since last October. This figure is from the Costs of War project by the Watson Institute at Brown University, released last Monday. The Tánaiste is telling me he has received reassurances and I am conflating things. I am conflating nothing. In my experience and from what I have read and learned, military planes carrying weapons are going through Shannon. They are either landing or going through our airspace. The Government has not checked so it does not know. How does the Tánaiste think the planes are getting to carry out the war in Israel and drop the bombs? What airspace are they using if they are not using Ireland's and if they are not landing in Ireland? The Tánaiste said earlier that they stop to refuel. There is an obligation and a duty on us not to be complicit in genocide, and we are complicit in genocide if we do not examine and inspect the planes.

I do not agree with that. It is a fundamental distortion to suggest we are complicit in genocide and an outrageous assertion. It is also a bit propagandistic. I knocked on a door recently and the person who answered said to me that all the weapons are being supplied from Shannon. They had no evidence for this statement but this is what is being told. That misinformation is being created deliberately. There is also a degree of confusion being created deliberately between planes flying through sovereign airspace and landing at Shannon Airport. These are completely different scenarios. It is entirely possible for people to fly through our airspace and we may not pick up on it. I acknowledge that. We are not a military nation. We do not have fighter jets, nor are we patrolling the skies. We need a bit of perspective here in terms of the issue of sovereign airspace versus the airspace we control outside of our sovereign airspace.

There is a fundamental difference. The challenge is that no state exercises its jurisdiction over military aircraft that land. If the President of America lands at Shannon Airport, Air Force One, which is a military aircraft, is not inspected. There are different types of aircraft like that.

Will the Tánaiste provide an update on the recent emergency meeting of European Union foreign affairs ministers regarding the Israeli Government and army attacking the sovereign country of Lebanon, their attacks on Syria and Yemen and their continued attacks on the West Bank and Gaza? What action will the European Union be taking to ensure an immediate ceasefire and the protection of the sovereign country of Lebanon?

I thank the Deputy for raising this question. I attended the extraordinary videoconference meeting of EU foreign ministers on 30 September. I welcomed High Representative Borrell's decision to convene this meeting given the rapidly deteriorating security situation in the Middle East and the emerging escalation in Lebanon in particular. During the meeting, I underlined Ireland's deep concern regarding the humanitarian catastrophe facing the people of Lebanon and those of Gaza and the West Bank. I again reiterated the need for an immediate ceasefire and an urgent scaling up of humanitarian assistance and the need for allies of Israel to put pressure on it to change course and stop the pursuit of war. I also highlighted the importance of co-ordination on consular efforts at EU level and was clear on our support for UNIFIL. Speaking on behalf of the European Union after the meeting, High Representative Borrell renewed calls for an immediate ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel and for both parties to commit to the full implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701. Hezbollah should stop firing rockets. It is worth noting that Hezbollah has fired 10,000 rockets into Israel over the last 12 months. A ceasefire means Hezbollah stopping firing rockets and Israel stopping its incursion and its indiscriminate bombing of Beirut, which is resulting in the killing of many innocent civilians in Lebanon. High Representative Borrell urged respect for international humanitarian law in all circumstances and called on parties in the region to show restraint in the interests of de-escalation.

Unfortunately, since our meeting on 30 September, we have seen a continuing escalation in violence in the region, including a missile attack on Israel by Iran, continuing rocket fire by Hezbollah on Israel, continuing massive Israeli aerial bombardment and ground incursion by Israeli armed forces. Ireland has repeatedly urged all parties to immediately de-escalate. A regional conflict would be disastrous for all the people of the region and, indeed, beyond. The widening of the conflict also further complicates efforts to achieve an urgently needed ceasefire and the release of hostages held in Gaza. It also complicates the immediate delivery of necessary humanitarian assistance at scale into Gaza, where the situation remains catastrophic.

I will have an opportunity to discuss developments in the Middle East with EU colleagues at the next formal meeting of foreign ministers in Luxembourg on 14 October.

Does the Tánaiste know what is very disappointing? Although he may not have realised it, he mentioned that Hezbollah has fired 10,000 rockets, which I condemn 100%, but he never mentioned how many Israel has fired. That has been the narrative here all along. There has been criticism of Hezbollah, Yemen, Iran, Syria and everyone else. I know the Tánaiste has commented on this but what we are seeing at the moment is a genocide being committed by Israel. We are seeing the innocent men, women and children of a sovereign country, Lebanon, being killed as they are walking down the street or while they are in their homes. Israel's defence for this is that there is a Hezbollah commander or group in the area but it will wipe out a whole block of people.

The European Union was rightly outraged when Russia went into Ukraine. Where is the outrage for what is happening in Lebanon? Will the Germans or the French supply the Lebanese people with an iron dome system to protect Beirut? There is a system to protect Israeli cities but we will not protect other cities. Where is the protection for the people of Lebanon? What is the European Union going to do? The Tánaiste said that we have called for an immediate ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel. I support that call for an immediate ceasefire but it is not good enough for the European Union to have a double standard in how it views Russia and Ukraine as opposed to Israel and everyone else.

The overwhelming criticism in this House over the last year has been criticism of Israel. Let us be clear about that. That should not exclude criticism and condemnation of actions by Hezbollah or Hamas or of the malign role of Iran in the evolution of the conflict and the wars across the Middle East. The broadest perspective should always be brought to the House and should inform the debate. I have condemned the bombardment of Lebanon. I have condemned the nature of modern destructive warfare repeatedly here and elsewhere, in every forum I have attended. What is happening, the killing of innocent men, women and children, is shocking. The international order is in a very perilous state because of the nature of how wars are conducted. Examples include Russia's destruction of Syria, beginning with the destruction of Aleppo many years ago, Russia's war in Ukraine and Israel's war in Gaza. I agree with the Deputy. As I have said before, Israel will take out a whole block to get one commander, killing 100 or 200 people. That seems to be the attitude. It is inhumane. It is completely against international humanitarian law. Ireland has been a strong supporter of the Palestinian Authority. We have given substantial humanitarian support.

At the EU meetings, I have seen that the EU is divided. The EU in its totality does not have a shared position. There are fundamental differences between member states on this question. Ireland aligns itself with like-minded states on the Palestinian question. We align ourselves with Spain, Belgium, Malta and others who fundamentally believe in Palestinian self-determination. The vast majority believe in a two-state solution but one has to question how we can ever get to that given the level of destruction going on at the moment.

The Tánaiste has just mentioned the two-state solution. The two-state solution is dead in the water. There are 700,000 illegal settlers in place. How can there ever be a two-state solution when Israel is driving people from land they have owned for generations? Innocent Palestinians are being murdered, tortured and persecuted and the only thing they are guilty of is owning land in the West Bank that the Israelis want for illegal settlers. This has been condemned by the United Nations but the Israelis still do it. I do not have any issues with the Israeli people. This is about the Israeli Government and Netanyahu. He does not care who he kills or tortures or what part of the world they are in. He only cares about his regime, his far-right policies and staying in power. The Tánaiste has said himself that Israel will take out a housing block killing 100 innocent people to get rid of one Hezbollah person. Who is protecting those 100 people? Some 42,000 people have been slaughtered in Gaza. Where is the protection for them? That figure includes 17,000 children. When the history books are written, Europe will be seen as complicit in allowing this genocide to take place. Countries like Germany, France, the US and England can send fighter jets to protect Israel when it is being attacked by Iran. They are not over Lebanon. They are not protecting the Lebanese people. There is a double standard. The European Union says that an immediate ceasefire is needed.

The European Union should immediately stop all weapons going to Israel.

France, for example, will have strong interests in trying to protect Lebanon. It does not support the bombardment and has been trying, with the US, to get an agreement between Hezbollah, the Israeli military and the Israeli Government, to no avail, over the last 12 months. When the Hamas attack on Gaza happened, Hezbollah, in solidarity with Hamas, started firing rockets into Israel. A total of 90,000 people left the north of Israel. About 90,000 Lebanese people have had to leave southern Lebanon. Those cities are all deserted because of rockets going over. That is the context of it. I do not agree with any of it. I want to make the point that we should not be disagreeing on this. There has to be a ceasefire and there are two parties to that ceasefire. That needs to happen as well. The destructive nature of modern warfare is quite shocking. The mentality behind it is something that there has to be accountability for. The only place where there can be accountability at the moment is the International Criminal Court. The prosecutor, Karim Khan, has already acted. He has faced significant intimidation and pressure in the US Congress and elsewhere because of his actions. We have been supportive of the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. We have participated fully because we believe in the multilateral order. It is the only guarantee we have of security and peace.

My question specifically relates to Israel's presence in settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory in the West Bank. I am asking what the Tánaiste is going to do about the advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice which states that member states, including Ireland, are under a positive obligation "to abstain from treaty relations with Israel in all cases in which it purports to act on behalf of the Occupied Palestinian Territory" and "to abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel". It is set out in the question I have tabled. I ask the Tánaiste to deal with that specifically in the context of the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill, which is waiting to be passed through the Dáil.

On 19 July 2024, the International Court of Justice delivered an advisory opinion on the legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. The Deputy will recall that the Attorney General, on behalf of the Government, made a submission to the court in respect of this. In its advisory opinion, the court concluded that Israel's continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful, and that Israel is under an obligation to bring its unlawful presence there to an end as rapidly as possible.

I issued a statement immediately following the delivery of the court's opinion indicating that I would be engaging with partners, including within the EU, with a view to ending Israel's unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory, and bringing about the full realisation of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. Ireland subsequently co-sponsored a resolution, adopted by the General Assembly on 18 September 2024, which seeks to implement the court's advisory opinion. The resolution elaborates on the obligations arising for Israel, for all states and for international organisations arising from Israel's unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory, including in the field of trade. For Ireland and all EU member states, international trade falls within the exclusive competence of the Union. As such, Ireland acts through the EU in relation to the conclusion of agreements relating to international trade in goods and services. Trade relations between the EU and its member states and Israel are governed by the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

The EU-Israel Association Agreement expressly provides that it applies to the territory of the State of Israel only. This necessarily excludes the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. Discussions within the European Union on the implications for the Union's policies and practices vis-à-vis Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory have now begun. In these discussions, Ireland has pressed its clear view that the continuation of trade between the EU and Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory helps to sustain those settlements and therefore amounts to aid and assistance in the maintenance of the illegal situation there, entrenching it and making it economically more viable.

The ICJ advisory opinion has made it clear that all states must abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the occupied Palestinian territory that may entrench its unlawful presence there. In discussions in Brussels, the Government has called for the EU to take steps to prohibit that trade. In the context of the occupied territories Bill, a further opinion has been asked from the Attorney General. I believe this ICJ advisory opinion changes the situation. I will await the Attorney General's advice. I have already taken some actions on it. I believe it is a new context that, in my view, places obligations on member states to follow the recommendations of the court.

I welcome that the Tánaiste is saying it has changed the situation. I would like him to outline how that has changed for Ireland and what, concretely, that means. A total of 500 people have lost their lives in less than a year in the West Bank, a war that continues without any recognition. Now we have this advisory opinion telling us we are all under an obligation. I repeat that I am not given to propaganda or exaggeration but I am in despair at what is happening in Gaza, as many other people are. Yes, the Tánaiste has had some very strong words, but unfortunately the action is not following. One concrete way to do that is to enact the occupied territories Bill. I am glad the Tánaiste is going back to get further advice. Five hundred are dead in one year alone there. That could have been enacted before but we did not do that. Senator Black introduced that Bill in 2018 or 2019 and it has never been enacted. I have no idea why the Tánaiste is still reluctant to go ahead with that Bill.

Bill or no Bill, that would unfortunately not stop Israel from what it is doing. What it is doing in the West Bank is reprehensible. I take issue with this latest sort of propaganda that it is just words and not action. I do not accept that and will not accept it. I will consistently rebut that argument because Ireland has taken action and will continue to take action on all levels. The Bill itself seeks to restrict the import and sale of goods and the provision of services originating from settlements in relevant occupied territories. As we have said, I think the ICJ advisory opinion gives new context to this. I do not have the Attorney General's opinion yet but we will be getting it shortly. Previously, it was concluded in legal advice that the Bill was contrary to EU law and that certain provisions are unconstitutional and so on because of the common commercial policy under EU law, where this is an exclusive EU competence. However, I genuinely believe that the ICJ's advisory opinion, in our view, places obligations on states not to support the occupation in any way, shape, or form. We will come back to the House as soon as we have that opinion from the Attorney General.

I welcome that. However, we were always under an obligation under the Genocide Convention relating to the trade with Israel, with regard to human rights. We could have taken action and we can take action. On the occupied territories Bill, we have experts in law, including two of the world's leading experts, stating that we are fully entitled to pass the occupied territories Bill. The legal opinion comes from Professor Tridimas, a leading EU law specialist who has served as an adviser to the European Commission and European Parliament, and, with apologies for my pronunciation, Professor Koutrakos, three-time European Commission Jean Monnet chair in EU law, and so on. An ordinary person would know that you cannot trade with a country that is committing genocide. An ordinary person knows that, at some stage, that trade has to cease one way or another if we are to give meaning to our words. I repeat that the Tánaiste has said very strong words without action. We have recognised Palestine but there will be no Palestine to recognise if we let the genocide continue.

I commend Deputy Connolly on submitting this question. The fact the occupied territories Bill has not been implemented is a ruse, as far as I am concerned. The Government has been hiding behind the Attorney General's advice, considering that Fine Gael opposed this. We are told that a Fine Gael Minister told an Israeli counterpart that it would not happen. People can dispute whether that conversation took place, but we know that what the Fine Gael Minister is purported to have committed to is exactly what happened. It is six weeks since the Taoiseach announced that he had asked the Attorney General to review this matter. He said he expected a reply from the Attorney General within days. Has he got it yet? If not, has the Government been pressing the Attorney General for that?

How is it that Ireland is able to bring forward a resolution at UN level, which I welcome, calling for a global ban on the trade of settlement goods? We are rightly calling for that at an international level, along with other states, yet domestically we have not introduced the legislation that would allow us to ban trade with settlement goods. When does the Tánaiste expect the Attorney General's advice to come? Is the Government pressing the Attorney General's office for that? When it is available to the Government, will it publish it and share it with Members of the Oireachtas?

I take issue with what the Deputy said in respect of his reference to the Minister, Deputy Donohoe. The Deputy said we "can dispute". The Minister has said categorically that no such phone call took place. It is not a question. It is important for the record of the House that we put that on record. The Minister spoke to me regarding it. We have to be fair to everybody and not continue to propagandise.

It is not a ruse. The legal opinion is there from previous Attorneys General in respect of an EU competency issue and some constitutional issues. The International Court of Justice is the full expression of international humanitarian law and the highest body within the UN. There is a judicial framework. We are a member of the UN. We have already initiated action at EU level on this, not just by calling for a review of the EU-Israeli trade association agreement but also in respect of the ICJ advisory opinion. Josep Borrell has asked for a legal opinion from the external action service on this. I do not think Europe or member states can ignore the implications of the advisory opinion's recommendations. Ireland again led the way in enabling this opinion to happen. I find it extremely frustrating that is not acknowledged. We supported the resolution that gave rise to this opinion coming up in the first place. Our Attorney General made a very strong submission-----

Two and a half years on from Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine continues to face immense challenges. With the Taoiseach, I recently announced a €36 million package of support for Ukraine and its immediate neighbours, which builds on the extensive political, humanitarian, military and economic support provided since February 2022. It will provide much-needed humanitarian support and development assistance to people suffering the impact of this unjust war.

Our approach has been to provide support bilaterally and through multilateral organisations to meet ongoing humanitarian needs and assist progress towards early recovery and eventual reconstruction. Ireland has provided €3 million to the World Bank IDA crisis facility special programme for Ukraine and Moldova, SPUR. SPUR represents one half of a larger IDA crisis facility aimed at addressing the urgent needs arising from overlapping global crises in the immediate region and the wider region. There is a particular focus on food insecurity and extreme climate events, which have been exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. The programme finances reconstruction and recovery investments in Ukraine and complements ongoing efforts by multilateral and bilateral partners. It also provides additional resources to Moldova, which continues to host a large refugee population from Ukraine.

The special programme for Ukraine and Moldova works as a complementary channel to other World Bank programmes, which Ireland has funded, including the public expenditures for administrative capacity endurance facility and the Ukraine relief, recovery, reconstruction and reform trust fund. The World Bank currently estimates the overall reconstruction bill at $486 billion over the next decade, a figure which undoubtedly rises each day. Overall, Ireland has committed €380 million in assistance to the Ukrainian people since February 2022, including €130 million in stabilisation and humanitarian support and €250 million in non-lethal military assistance under the European Peace Facility.

The figure I had was $411 billion. The fact the Tánaiste said $486 billion suggests that things are going in the wrong direction as regards Ukraine's ability to finance its recovery. The gap for borrowing will be something that we will all have to deal with globally and internationally over the coming decade, as the Tánaiste said. SPUR is a crisis facility, which will focus on reconstruction, particularly critical infrastructure. As the Tánaiste knows, there have been many attacks by the Russians on power stations, bridges and dams.

The Minister of State, Deputy Fleming, referenced housing. In terms of Ireland's overall contribution to modular housing in the Ukrainian context, will the Tánaiste give us an idea of the initial number, if he has it, for what we are providing and what is projected for the future?

I thank the Deputy for what he said. The figure we have is $486 billion over the next decade. That figure rises every day. I mentioned the nature of modern warfare. It is entirely destructive. Rulers are now targeting civilian and energy infrastructure, houses, schools, hospitals and so forth.

Ireland has engaged in discussions on short-term recovery efforts in preparation for a successful longer term reconstruction effort. We were represented by the Secretary General of the Department of Foreign Affairs at the 2024 Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin in June, where there was a strong emphasis on supporting Ukraine's EU perspective. Ireland also announced that we would join the German-led alliance on gender responsive and inclusive recovery through which we will commit to integrating a gendered perspective into our funding and resources and support gender equality, with women's protection, participation and empowerment as priority objectives.

On the housing front, we have already made significant contributions through the Ukrainian humanitarian fund. Some time back, some of my officials visited housing projects that we have supported, which have made a significant impact. We have also worked for the construction of bomb shelters in schools in Ukraine. We are doing everything we can in the short term to deal with those humanitarian aspects, especially on the housing front.

I will follow up with two quick supplementaries on the area of gender-based violence and the supports that will be given to victims of rape and sexual abuse during the conflict. Will the Tánaiste comment on that? As I mentioned to the Minister of State, Deputy Fleming, what has been done in the conflict is particularly heinous in respect of children. I did not realise it was to the extent of 20,000 children, which the Minister of State said. Will the Tánaiste give us his thoughts on that?

I have a brief supplementary. I thank the Tánaiste for his responses. Many of us have a concern, before we even start reconstructing Ukraine and Moldova, regarding the survival of the democratic structures of Moldova, which is currently being undermined by Russia.

I would be interested to hear the Tánaiste's view on what we are doing to support democratic structures in Moldova in particular.

I thank Deputy O'Sullivan and the other Deputies for raising the question. There is concern in the Ukrainian Government that we are losing sight of the war on Ukraine. It is not getting the same attention and focus within the House. What has happened to the children in Ukraine is abominable. It is very hard to comprehend how human beings can essentially deport 20,000 children having taken them from their homes, their localities, their villages. It is reprehensible. We announced that we would join the German-led Alliance for Gender-Responsive and Inclusive Recovery. We commit to integrating a gender perspective into our funding and resources, and support gender equality, and women's protection, participation and empowerment as primary priority objectives. We are doing that all over the world. It is a distinguishing feature of Irish diplomacy now. We are providing development support and aid and a human rights approach, such as through the Women, Peace and Security initiative. We will continue that in all conflict situations.

Deputy Howlin raised an important issue on Moldova. We do not widely discuss here the degree to which Russia is now engaged in hybrid attacks in many of Russia's neighbouring EU states. Some of this takes the form of arson, such as hiring local criminals to create a mini explosion in a shopping centre. Some of it can be attacks on utilities. Some of it can be the fomenting of anti-government protests. There is quite an active agenda there. Moldova, in particular, is probably at the frontier of that kind of activity in terms of elections and so on. The Government of Moldova and its people are under considerable pressure in that regard.