Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Jun 2024

The Taoiseach will participate in the June meeting of the European Council taking place in Brussels tomorrow and Friday. The agenda will cover Ukraine, the Middle East, security and defence, competitiveness, and the next institutional cycle. The meeting is also expected to adopt the EU's next strategic agenda and agree a roadmap for future EU internal reforms. There will also be discussions on migration and hybrid threats, as well as other foreign policy issues including Georgia, Moldova, and the EU's strategic approach to the Black Sea region.

In relation to Ukraine, on 15 and 16 June, together with more than 50 other world leaders and more than 100 countries and international organisations, the Taoiseach attended the summit on peace in Ukraine in Switzerland. At this week's European Council, leaders will reflect on the outcome. It is welcome that most of the countries present signed a joint communiqué reaffirming that the UN charter and international law must be at the core of any future peace process. There is also a practical and tangible path for follow-up on areas where there is broad agreement, such as food security, nuclear safety and the return of prisoners, children and civilians. At the summit, the Taoiseach participated in a round-table discussion of humanitarian issues, especially the appalling and unacceptable removal by Russia of more than 20,000 Ukrainian children from their homes and families. That figure is potentially as high as 100,000, as was reported to me by the Commissioner for Human Rights in Strasbourg, but that is not a defined figure. It is very important that we remember all of those children who are lost to Ukraine and currently in Russia. We must get them back. They have been taken to Russia and to Russian-occupied territories where they are assigned Russian citizenship, sometimes adopted into Russian families, and where efforts are made to undermine and overwrite their Ukrainian culture. This is a war crime, and they must be returned immediately.

While there was a very large turnout, and participants were present from all parts of the world, there were notable absences from parts of Asia, Africa and the Middle East in particular, and not all those attending opted to join the communiqué. It is therefore clear that we must continue to reach out to the global south in particular to increase dialogue on the fundamental principles at stake. If Russia's invasion is allowed to stand, then none of us can rely on the basic commitment to territorial integrity and sovereignty promised in the UN charter. As the Taoiseach stated at the summit, if we do not insist upon it for Ukraine, we cannot expect it for ourselves.

It is also clear that we must continue to work to ensure that Europe and the western world cannot be accused of operating double standards when it comes to conflict and to the application of international law. Rightly, those attending the summit pointed also to wars in Gaza and the Middle East and in Sudan where people are equally entitled to the world's attention and to the protections of international law, including international humanitarian law, and where perpetrators should equally find themselves held to account. Russia is continuing its unrelenting attack on Ukraine, its civilians and its infrastructure. Its aim is to break the spirit of the Ukrainian people and to make their homes uninhabitable. Let us not forget that 68% of energy facilities have been destroyed, that the winter is approaching and that the goal is to make the winter unliveable.

In the EU, we must be clear that we will be resolute, and that we will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes. In particular, we must offer it all the support we can. It is positive that we have been able to take important decisions in recent months on sustainable EU financial support to Ukraine but we must follow through on these decisions as quickly and effectively as possible. The decision to open negotiations on EU accession with both Ukraine and Moldova – I attended the first session yesterday in Luxembourg - is also very welcome. Both countries belong in our Union, and we will continue to be as supportive of their progress as we can. Montenegro's accession will also be discussed this week.

Agreement at the Foreign Affairs Council on the operationalisation of the Ukraine assistance fund is very welcome. However, despite political agreement on the use of windfall profits from immobilised Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine, unfortunately we continue to be blocked from agreeing on making them operational. Every day that we delay this support further weakens Ukraine's ability to resist. We hope all member states, including Hungary, can agree this crucial action at this week's meeting. By finalising the Ukraine assistance fund, reaching agreement on the use of windfall profits and signing off on EU-Ukraine security commitments, we can send a clear signal of our substantial and tangible support for Ukraine.

On security and defence, war in Ukraine and the Middle East and increased geopolitical tensions have led to an increased focus on security and defence matters in Europe. That Ireland is militarily non-aligned, a policy to which this Government is firmly attached, does not mean we are not impacted by these global trends and developments. On the contrary, we must be fully engaged and involved in discussing how to keep our societies and citizens safe in an increasingly uncertain environment with new and more complex threats.

I assure the House that throughout the war in Ukraine and more widely, our partners have been very careful to ensure that our stance is fully respected in these discussions and in any decisions taken and implemented. Earlier this year, the European Commission published a new European defence industrial strategy, together with a regulatory proposal for a European defence investment programme. While defence remains a national competence, these proposals aim to stimulate production and joint procurement, and to allow the EU both to support Ukraine, and to enable member states to develop their own capabilities, in particular in terms of defence readiness.

The Commission is also expected to present options at the meeting tomorrow for future financing aimed at enhancing the EU’s defence readiness. The European Investment Bank has also reviewed its funding practices following a request to do by the European Council in March. We will continue to carefully analyse all ongoing discussions on funding proposals or proposals to increase access to financing, either from the private or public sectors. Deputies will appreciate that increased access to financing, whether it be from private or public sources, may also provide opportunities for Irish industry and research institutions. It will be important for Ireland that we engage maturely and constructively in these discussions, and with a strong view to the protection of Ireland's sovereign territory.

On the Middle East, the meeting this week will also return to the desperate situation in Gaza. Together with our like-minded partners in the EU, the Taoiseach will be pushing for strong conclusions that focus on the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire, a surge in humanitarian assistance and the immediate and unconditional release of hostages. The immediate focus should be on the implementation of the new Gaza ceasefire proposal, under UN Security Council Resolution 2735, and on calling for both Hamas and Israel to accept and fully implement the terms of the proposal without delay and without conditions. The humanitarian situation is catastrophic and completely unacceptable. Calls for humanitarian access and for the full implementation of the orders of the ICJ must be front and centre in the EU's position. The EU has demonstrated that it can act. We have adopted sanctions against Israeli settlers and are working on more. We are reinforcing our co-operation with regional partners to implement the vision for peace presented at a political level to the EU last month.

The EU has already said we stand ready to support the Palestinian Authority. We must act on this. One of the most straightforward and most impactful decisions we can take is to deliver financial assistance to the Palestinian Authority. This is important for the short- and medium-term stabilisation of the situation. We must also ensure that the EU uses its voice in support of international law and can exert appropriate leverage on the parties to reverse a trajectory that is exacting an unacceptable human toll and is putting the security of the region at risk. It is very disappointing that Israel has refused to convene a special meeting of the EU-Israel Association Council, as proposed by the EU, to discuss the implications for the operation of the association agreement and compliance with its terms, in particular the essential elements of that agreement relating to human rights. It is now important that all other options under the association agreement are considered, including agreement on appropriate measures.

The situation across the wider region is of increasing concern. Ongoing exchange of fire across the Blue Line between Israel and Lebanon risks igniting a wider regional conflagration even without an Israeli intervention into Lebanon. Such an intervention would be disastrous for both countries. The European Council must call on all parties to exercise utmost restraint and encourage engagement with all diplomatic efforts to prevent a regional conflict. There is particular concern for the Irish peacekeepers serving with UNIFIL. We must call on all parties to exercise restraint and we must find a way to persuade both sides to fully implement UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which calls for a full cessation of hostilities.

On competitiveness, the June European Council will also take stock of competitiveness issues, including accelerating progress on the capital markets union. At the April meeting, Mr. Enrico Letta presented his high-level report on the future of the Single Market, which is an important contribution to our political discussions. Especially welcome was the call by the April European Council for work to be taken forward decisively and swiftly on the development of a new horizontal strategy for a modernised Single Market by June 2025. We hope this should address competitiveness challenges for businesses of all sizes, with a specific focus on SMEs and start-ups. The April meeting also stressed the need for the Council and the Commission to make rapid progress on all measures identified as necessary to create truly integrated European capital markets. We must ensure that businesses in Ireland and across the EU, especially SMEs, have improved ways of accessing the financing they need to grow and to scale across European and global markets. This is essential if we are to deliver a more inclusive, innovative and resilient economy, and ensure there is ample financing available for investment in the green and digital transitions.

We will continue to advocate strongly for tangible actions that can support deeper capital markets in the short term, while cautioning against the overconcentration of EU capital markets in a small number of large financial centres.

Regarding the next institutional cycle, as the House is aware, following the elections to the European Parliament the European institutions are now engaged in a process of renewal in which appointments will be made to many of the leading positions. The Taoiseach gathered with fellow members of the European Council at an informal meeting in Brussels on Monday, 17 June when they took stock of the outcome of the elections and began discussions on possible appointments. It is hoped that at this week's European Council meeting they will take the final decisions on nominations to the roles of President of the European Council, President of the European Commission, and the High Representative and Commission Vice President for Foreign Policy. It is important these decisions are made in a speedy way and we do not have the risk of political or institutional drift. The European Parliament will then play its role in the process on the last two of these appointments.

The Parliament will hold its first plenary in mid-July, when it will elect its new President and when, it is hoped, it will also endorse the person nominated for President of the Commission. This will enable the nomination of Commissioners by member states in the period ahead and the election of a new college of Commissioners, hopefully before the end the year. The House is aware of the strategic importance of ensuring there is a functioning Executive at a time of increased geopolitical insecurity on the Continent.

The new Commission will be guided in its work by the strategic agenda the European Council will adopt this week to cover the five years from 2024 to 2029. This will set out the political direction and overarching priorities to guide the work of the EU during this period. We welcome the new draft strategic agenda and its emphasis on values, championing international law and multilateralism, and the promotion of open competitiveness and the Single Market. It is vital for Ireland's economic interests that the strategic agenda recognises the central importance of safeguarding and strengthening the EU’s successful economic model firmly based on the Single Market and the open economy. This is a model which has proved resilient and which we should now move to deepen and ultimately complete as a goal for the next five years. It is of particular importance to new members and accession countries that when they have the opportunity to join the EU they do so on an equal playing field in a fully functional and complete Single Market.

A strong commitment to completing the green and digital transition is also welcomed. It is also important that the strategic agenda commits us to strengthening the European health union as we work to improve our overall resilience and preparedness for any future health crisis. The Taoiseach will update the House in July in the follow-up to the meeting of the European Council.

I thank the Minister of State for her opening statement. I do not know whether I have had an opportunity to wish her well since her new appointment but if not I do so now. I acknowledge that accession conferences have been held or are ongoing with Moldova, Ukraine and Montenegro. It is the right of states and the people of those states themselves to decide what the wherewithal of their ambition for membership of the EU should be. The people of these states have clearly indicated they want to be part of the European Union. There are strict criteria for membership of the EU which will have to be met and Ireland, alongside other member states and the EU itself, will have to work with the candidate states to assist them to progress their applications and to meet these criteria. Ireland will also have to ensure that the further expansion of the European Union, if and when it takes place, happens in a way in which our strategic and domestic interests are also protected.

I understand of course, and we all recognise, that Ukraine faces particular challenges and circumstances which are immediately unique and, therefore, require unique support and assistance. I welcome that Ireland attended the Ukraine peace summit earlier this month in Switzerland. I also welcome the report we received from the Ukrainian ambassador as to its successes in areas where concrete progress has been made in terms of addressing challenges endured by the Ukrainian people, particularly proposals regarding the return of children who were illegally deported from Ukraine by Russia. There is a very clear trajectory whereby Ireland can play a role in a peace process when it emerges, which we hope happens sooner rather than later.

I welcome that earlier this week the Foreign Affairs Council discussed the ongoing crisis in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the broader Great Lakes region. The Minister of State may be familiar with the fact that I sought from the Taoiseach and his predecessor that they would add this crisis to the agenda of the European Council. An estimated 6 million people have been killed in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo since 1996 and a further 7 million have been internally displaced. It is incumbent on all of us and the world to do whatever can be done to alleviate the humanitarian catastrophe in the first instance and bring an end to the conflict.

In her remarks, the Minister of State said we must "ensure the EU uses its voice in support of international law" in respect of the Middle East. There is no way this sentence can be paralleled with support for Ursula von der Leyen as President of the European Commission. I appeal to the Government to reject Ms von der Leyen's candidacy on the basis of her suitability for office or competency arising from her track record in essentially offering unconditional support for Israel when she provided Benjamin Netanyahu with political cover for the genocide to which we now bear witness. She provided political cover to a head of state who is now answering a case of genocide before the International Court of Justice. She provided political cover to a head of state for whom the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has now sought arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including wilful killing and the use of starvation as a method of war. In doing so she acted outside of her competency. I have to say she maligned her office and the European Union.

Following the commissioning of a review of the EU's financial assistance for Palestine which found existing safeguards worked well, nonetheless her Commission imposed additional red tape and bureaucracy on Palestinian NGOs at a time when their work was more desperately needed than ever. She did so as a prelude to the blocking of a review into whether Israel has breached its human rights obligations under the EU-Israel Association Agreement, essentially preventing EU states from holding Israel to account for its war crimes. She artificially delayed funds to Palestine, and when she did so she was acting against stated Irish Government policy. She circumvented the objections of member states to her Commission's proposals to halt all funds. She entirely disparaged the Irish Government's objections to this course of action.

Even more plainly, we must set out what the Commission President thinks of Ireland and the amount of respect she has given to the Irish Government. This is a situation where a Commission President blatantly ignored and disregarded the appeal by the Taoiseach and the Spanish Prime Minister that a review be conducted into Israel's human rights obligations under the EU-Israel Association Agreement. She has ignored the Irish Government, and the Irish Government intends to reward her with a second term. In doing so Ireland will, therefore, become complicit in the failed EU response to what has happened in Palestine in particular. The Commission President has failed the test. The inability and unwillingness of an Irish Government to take a stand against her actions will bode very badly for our long-term reputation and position in the world, and our ability and Europe's ability to act as voices for peace and conflict resolution. I appeal again in the strongest possible terms to all Irish MEPs, and in particular to the Irish Government, to reject the candidacy of Ursula von der Leyen.

I understand security and defence are on the clár of the General Affairs Council. I put it to the Minister of State that the primary message Ireland should bring in terms of security and defence is to unequivocally inform our counterparts that Ireland will not support any move away from unanimity or towards qualified majority voting. An independent foreign policy is now more important than ever. Individual member states must be able to have a voice in the world. We have already outlined how the outgoing Commission President overstepped her remit and encroached on our sovereign domestic competencies.

Qualified majority voting on security, defence or foreign policy would undermine Ireland's independent foreign policy and neutrality and our ability to play a positive and constructive role in the world.

Deputy Carthy has already spoken about accession. Whether we are talking about the western Balkans, Moldova, Ukraine or Georgia, the Copenhagen criteria need to be met. While countries must be engaged with and a route map must be provided for them to even meet them half way, the rule of law is absolutely necessary to maintain the sort of European Union we would like to see, which we sometimes do not see. There are some particular issues with Georgia at the moment.

I add my voice to what has been said about Ukraine and the continuing war by the Russians, led by Vladimir Putin. There has been a huge number of war crimes, such as kidnapping of children and others. At some point, we need to see a real attempt to put a peace process in operation and free those people from their disastrous circumstances and situation.

On humanitarian actions, Dóchas, Trócaire, the ONE campaign and Concern Worldwide were at the EU affairs committee earlier where they spoke about the 2025 EU budget proposal. There is talk of a 10 % actual reduction in overseas aid payments for projects from life-saving to human rights activities, to all the other pieces that are absolutely necessary. What they said about overseas aid in general was somewhat frightening: it barely covers one third of the needs. We all know about the issue of migration that exists at the moment, but if we will not deal with conflict and debt-laden developing countries and at least cover the bare minimum to save lives - I hope we can get to a point of improving lives in the developing world - we will be constantly dealing with these circumstances. It should not be a shock when the likes of Ursula von der Leyen seem to be concentrating not only on backing Israel and its genocide, but also on building up a military-industrial complex within the EU. The Irish people will not stand for that.

We know the moves that need to be made with partners to deal with the absolute atrocities being carried out by the Israelis. We need to see movement on the EU-Israel association agreement and make greater moves on the divestment from companies involved in illegal settlement and other Israeli actions against the Palestinian people. There is Sinn Féin legislation, but we need to see greater moves made in that direction.

I welcome again the opportunity to address the House and especially the Government on the upcoming European Council meeting. The Minister of State set out a variety of issues that will be on the agenda but, as practising politicians, we all know the main agenda item will be the nailing down of the horse-trading deals on the main positions to be allocated for the next mandate. It seems that the three principal positions are already determined, with an expectation that the heads of government will re-nominate Ursula von der Leyen as the next President of the European Commission, continuing the role she has fulfilled for the past five years. It is likely that António Costa will be nominated as President of the European Council and I understand that a Balkan prime minister will be the High Representative for foreign policy, if things go as advertised.

I share the deep concerns about the attitude of the outgoing President von der Leyen. It is not right for anyone to seek to pressure Irish Members of the European Parliament - I am talking about our recently elected member of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, Aodhán Ó Ríordán - to support the nomination of President von der Leyen on the basis that it is in Ireland's interest. A commitment was given and will be fulfilled by him and should be by others who sought a mandate from the Irish people to sit in the European Parliament.

The complexion of the EU Commission when all member states have nominated will be determined by the changing political balance in member states. That will have a significant impact. The European elections were probably not as bad as some of us feared insofar as the centre ground held reasonably well, but there is a changing complexion in a lot of member states, which will have an impact on the people being nominated for roles in the incoming Commission and on a number of policies that are important for Ireland.

I am aware the Minister of State referred to the issue of trade being important. Our view is in favour of open barriers and open trade, whereas the trend now is for more isolationism, more barriers and more tariffs to be imposed. It is a trend that will accelerate greatly if the dread of many of us, that Donald Trump is elected for another term as President of the United States of America, comes to pass. It will be incredibly damaging to the world trade order with a particular impact on developing countries because trade is an important tool for development. We must lead in protecting free and fair trade with those countries that are trying to develop agriculture and industry in the developing world.

I support Deputy Ó Murchú's position on the presentation to us this morning by a variety of NGOs regarding the shrinking focus on international development within the Commission as more and more focus is on eastern Europe, even by countries we would expect to have a much stronger view, such as the Nordic states, on the traditional role of development, especially in Africa. We really need it to happen.

I will also mention the agenda item of EU expansion. I welcome the opening of formal negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova. The Joint Committee on EU Affairs has visited some of the western Balkan countries and listened to all of their presentations here.

There is real concern that some of the western Balkan countries feel aggrieved that they have been left behind. They have been waiting for 20 years, with some having met very high barriers and new barriers then being put up bilaterally by individual member states. It is important that some of them make their way to accession. I hope that will be a priority in the coming years.

I can only say a sentence on Gaza. The use of hunger as a weapon of war and the starvation of children is unconscionable. I sincerely hope that there will be a strong, concerted effort at this upcoming European Council meeting to ensure peace proposals and a ceasefire proposal finally get over the line.

It was done to bring about a greater awareness of European issues and to make the Taoiseach more accountable to the Dáil as regards his approach to European Council meetings. While they are helpful, the Dáil is a long way from mandating what the Taoiseach should do at European Council meetings, as is the case in some other EU member states. Be that as it may, I welcome the opportunity to raise a few issues concerning the European Council meeting later this week.

I warmly welcome the decision of the Cabinet to appoint my colleague, the Minister, Deputy Michael McGrath, as European Commissioner. Ireland is nominating a senior Minister for this post and is doing so in good time, thus increasing our chances of obtaining a significant economic or financial post in the Commission.

I know the Minister will do an excellent job. He has dedicated his life to public service and has been an effective Minister for public expenditure and reform and for finance. I wish him the best in his new role.

The results of the recent European Parliament elections are now in. As expected, there was a swing to populist and nationalist parties across Europe, which may feed into the future policy direction of the EU and the filling of key institutional positions, that is, President of the Commission, President of the Council, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and President of the European Parliament. Despite justifiable criticism of Commission President von der Leyen's initial response to the Israel-Hamas war, it seems she is set to be appointed this week for a second term. Her chances were strengthened by the increase in representation of the European People's Party. Although Renew Europe lost seats in the election and lost more post-election - even though Fianna Fáil added two extra seats to the group - it looks like the centrist coalition in the Parliament has held. However, one would have to be concerned that European conservatives and reformists may still have a role to play in getting final agreement on the new Commissioners and a new policy agenda. The Council should strive to fill the totality of the top positions by taking into account the various groupings in the Parliament, as well as geographical considerations. It appears a deal in that regard has now been finalised and some of those positions have to be ratified at the European Council meeting.

We need to analyse what the swing to the right will mean for the future direction of the EU. Migration, security and climate change featured as issues during the campaign. At least the ratifying of the EU migration and asylum pact has put a structure in place for dealing with migration for the foreseeable future. It is clear no country can deal with the problem on its own and we need to co-operate with EU partners to tackle it. I have concerns there could be backsliding on climate change measures and the so-called Green Deal. That would be a terrible shame. Global warming is an existential crisis and there can be no rowing back on the commitments we have entered into. I hope the Taoiseach will articulate this view strongly at the European Council meeting.

On a similar matter, I welcome the recent approval given by the Environment Council to the nature restoration law. Biodiversity loss is also an existential crisis and we need to do everything possible to restore nature and wildlife. To their credit, 12 of our 13 MEPs in the last European Parliament voted for it. I pay tribute to the Minister, Deputy Ryan, for getting approval for the law at Council level. The Minister also played a crucial role in getting an agreement at COP28 in December. I am not sure what the future holds for the Minister now that he has stepped down as leader of the Green Party but his strong commitment to saving the environment, combined with his experience in government and pragmatism, was crucial in changing the policy direction on climate change and biodiversity loss. I wish him the best for the future.

The EU will deal with a number of other issues in the coming months, as we heard from the Minister of State. The so-called strategic agenda will be discussed this week at the European Council. A prosperous Europe has to be a key objective and making the EU competitive and completing the Single Market are important in this regard. Enlargement is on the agenda in terms of the western Balkans and the eastern neighbourhood. How the EU makes decisions will need to be examined in order to facilitate this further enlargement.

I understand Ireland has joined, as an observer, the group of friends of improving the decision-making in the common foreign and security policy. Will this lead to changes concerning qualified majority voting? This is an interesting development and one about which the House should be kept fully informed. I hope the Minister of State will be able to do that. Enlargement will also have implications for the multi-annual financial framework, specifically CAP and cohesion funding. It seems tough negotiations lie ahead in that regard. I also note a motion before the Dáil to approve two PESCO projects and two European Defence Agency projects, which indicates the common security and defence policy of the EU is continuing to evolve and develop.

Some speakers have mentioned the situation in Ukraine. It is regrettable that Hungary continues to delay or block the sending of funds and aid to that country, but I note ways are being found to get around Hungary's intransigence. It has to be said this does not augur well for the forthcoming Hungarian Presidency, which begins on 1 July. I suspect there will be a bumpy road ahead as Hungary takes over the Presidency of the EU. The Minister of State and others referred to the Ukraine peace summit, which was held in Switzerland earlier this month. I hope something positive will come from it.

The UK general election will take place on 4 July. On 23 June 2016, the UK voted for Brexit and the chaos which ensued from it. We have had the trade and co-operation agreement, the withdrawal agreement and the Windsor Framework. We do not get involved in the UK election as it is up to the people there to decide how to vote, but I hope the election will bring about a reset in the relationship between Ireland and Britain. That relationship has not been particularly good since Brexit. A reset with the incoming government of the UK is needed and I hope it will come to pass.

There has been a very positive recent development in the fishing and seafood industry. The producer organisations, Killybegs Fishermens Organisation, Irish Fish Producers' Organisation, Irish South and West Fish Producer's Organisation and the Irish South and East Fish Producer's Organisation, have united with the Irish Fish Processors and Exporters Association. That is five major organisations uniting with one purpose, namely, to look at the project of engaging with the European Commission. They have asked the Irish Government to have a much more dedicated focus in terms of the Department of the marine. It is clear we face a profound crisis across the fishing and seafood industry and that has led to this initiative sending a clear message to Government to work in partnership with the industry. There is a sense the Department and Minister, while meeting and engaging, do not have a clear and resourced plan. We need dedicated officials based in Brussels and dedicated attachés and staff. We need to look at something like a "Fish Ireland" office like we have Fáilte Ireland to promote the industry and aims. Will the Minister of State talk to her colleagues about that welcome development, embrace it and work in partnership with the organisations involved?

Ireland's recognition of the State of Palestine last month was a welcome development. The recognition of Palestine was important for symbolic reasons. It was the result of decades of campaigning by many groups and individuals right across the State. Despite the Government's misgivings, the sky did not fall in, but the sky is falling in on Palestine right now.

Sanctioning Israel has never been more important. Rafah has been attacked, which was a red line for the EU, the US and most western countries, and yet there are still no consequences. Children were decapitated and burnt alive. Israel has been carrying out war crimes with impunity for seven months. It is being given the green light to do so by the inaction of the world to take the measures to stop it. Only the imposition of swift and extensive sanctions will force Israel to implement a ceasefire. In contrast with the immediate and extensive sanctions that were implemented against Russia over the invasion of Ukraine, Israel can lay waste to Gaza and slaughter tens of thousands and it is allowed to continue unchecked.

Ireland and Europe have facilitated this murder and destruction. Ireland and Europe must impose sanctions on Israel. Ireland, in particular, must oppose the re-election of. Ursula von der Leyen. We must sanction Israel right now for its ongoing gross violations of international law. Ireland must enact the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill 2023 and the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018. Actions without sanctions are futile. As I said, the sky did not fall in when Ireland recognised the State of Palestine but the sky will continue to fall in on Palestine if we do not impose sanctions now - real sanctions that will lead to a ceasefire that will stop the genocide and the ongoing onslaught on innocent people in Gaza, Rafah and beyond.

It is utterly shameful that, after the rhetoric during the elections, after the raising of the Palestinian flag and after the criticism of Israel, the Government is supporting Ursula von der Leyen for President of the European Commission . It means that all of that was really for show for the Irish public. The Government was willing to criticise but then turned a blind eye to this woman who supports genocide, gave a green light to Israel's genocide on Palestine and continues to implement policies which see European taxpayers' money going into the hands of Israeli armaments corporations and which make life more difficult for Palestinians. It is shameful that the Irish Government supports Ursula von der Leyen. It is shameful that the former Taoiseach went on the radio and attempted to play the green jersey card, putting pressure on Irish MEPs to vote in favour of this genocidaire in the European Parliament, saying that it would be better if they do because maybe Deputy Michael McGrath will get a better, more important job out of it. Either genocide and horror at what is happening in Palestine for months mean something or it is simply for show and for some small element of the Government covering itself politically.

In the past week, we have seen the horrific footage of the Israeli army tying hostages as human shields on the front of an Israeli army vehicle. One hears much about human shields - about Hamas supposedly using human shields by simply existing in Gaza - with Israel literally using Palestinian human shields on Israeli vehicles.

There is also a campaign, for months now, of bombing south Lebanon, killing hundreds of people. Nearly 100,000 people have been displaced from the border area in south Lebanon and the Israeli propaganda machine has been in full flow for the past couple of days to try to make a target out of Beirut's main airport. It is via the George Bush-esque claims that weapons are being stored in Beirut airport, with no evidence, in an attempt to manufacture consent for a future bombing of Lebanon's capital. Months ago, Netanyahu promised to turn Beirut into Gaza and he is now sending Israeli troops north to the border, indicating that they may be preparing to begin an all-out war on Lebanon. There appear to be no red lines, certainly, for the US and Ursula von der Leyen, but also no red lines for the Government, which is not willing to withhold support from Ursula von der Leyen for her support for the genocide.

I will make a point about the European elections. There was much talk about the centre holding. It is utter nonsense which attempts to ignore the reality of the rise of the far right. Is it any wonder, when the European bureaucracy, European powers and European Commission are supporting a far-right regime in Israel, that you have the rise of the far right within the European Union? Right across the European Union, far-right forces got 20% of the vote - the second most supported force in the European elections. They have gone from barely being able to form a group in the European Parliament at the turn of the century to now having the second largest number of MEPs divided between three different groups and becoming the first force in Italy, France, Hungary, Belgium, Austria and Poland and the second force in Germany and the Netherlands. It should send alarm bells to all those who defend democratic rights and workers' rights because that is what the far right are coming for.

Let us be clear that the centre right are no opposition to the far right. I went to a meeting yesterday with an activist from the NPA in France and she referred to Macron having rolled out the red carpet for the far right. That has happened right across Europe. Policies of austerity, policies of not protecting people from the cost-of-living crisis, policies of attacking workers, attacking pensions, etc., and then the centring of migration as if this is the problem, have opened the door to the far right. A perfect example is the EU migration pact, which will see more people killed. Over 3,100 people died in the Mediterranean last year. More will die as a result of this pact raising the borders even higher, to no benefit of any ordinary person in Europe, regardless of his or her skin colour.

What is happening after the European elections is the door is being opened even further to the far right trying to differentiate between the good far right which supports NATO and the European project and the bad far right which opposes NATO. In particular, that is von der Leyen looking for the support of Giorgia Meloni, scandalously seeking to slow down an official EU report criticising Italy for eroding media freedoms. She is willing to turn a blind eye to what is happening in Italy with the erosion of media freedoms because she wants Ms Meloni's support to become European Commission President again, just like she has the support of the Irish Government.

Anybody who has been in this Chamber in recent years when we discussed pre or post European Council statements will remember that I have been continuously raising the plight of Julian Assange. I was going to raise Mr. Assange's imprisonment again here today but I am delighted to be able to say that he has now landed in Australia and is reunited with his wife and family.

Julian Assange undoubtedly is one of the most important journalists and publishers in the history of journalism and publication. He revealed war crimes, human rights abuses, government misbehaviour and on. Nothing WikiLeaks ever published later proved to be false. When we talk about speaking truth to power, we can say that Julian Assange is the embodiment of that phrase. As he has said, "If wars can be started by lies, peace can be started by truth." The world owes this man a huge debt of gratitude and that cannot be overstated. He was confined for nine years, first in the Ecuadorian embassy and then five years in Belmarsh Prison. During that time, his detention and this condition was linked by the UN to torture. He suffered numerous mini-strokes during his time there and the medical attention he received simply was not up to standard. I am pleased that we can now see that Julian Assange has been freed and that he is reunited with his family, particularly with his children, who have only known him in captivity. It is a powerful message here today that we need to stand up for the freedom of journalists and for journalism. I am really pleased to say that today.

I too commend everyone involved in ensuring that Julian Assange, at long last, got his freedom and a way out of the entrapment that was put in place. As my colleague has said, he stood up for democracy, for freedom and for ordinary people having a voice when they saw tyranny going on around them. We do not have enough of that in the world anywhere.

In regard to the situation in Europe, the European elections have thrown up a problem for many countries where we have seen the emergence of right-wing and reactionary forces.

Much of that has happened because of the way Europe has framed the economic debate around austerity, in particular. The impact of that and what it has done to so many ordinary communities across the length and breadth of Europe has opened up a space for the far right to emerge and find a voice. This is very dangerous. As we send a new Commissioner and other representatives from Ireland to Europe, we want to ensure that none of them has any relationship with these far-right organisations.

I will return to a matter that is part of my own brief. It is an issue that is very prominent across all of Europe, namely, road safety. It is certainly something we have a huge problem with in Ireland. I recently attended the EU road safety and Transport Ireland conferences. All of the feeling was that we have a serious issue in Ireland when it comes to road safety. More than 90 people have been killed on the roads so far this year. That is families and communities that have been devastated. It is an issue across the entire continent of Europe where more and more people are driving faster and abusing the roads. One of the major issues in that regard, especially in this State, is policing. Road safety is an issue we need international co-operation in respect of. It is to be hoped that will be brought to bear in discussions at the European Union.

For the past four and a half years, I have come to the Chamber and submitted questions regarding empty council houses. A reference to the European decision to move to a preventative maintenance programme has always been included in the responses. In the past four years, I have never seen a plan by Cork City Council, Cork County Council or the Government for preventative maintenance. Will the Minister of State raise this issue at the European Council and ask what other countries are doing on this?

People are living in cold homes that are full of damp and mould. They are living with broken-down boilers and central heating systems that are only partially working. They are dealing with leaks in their pipes, roofs, and fascia and soffit. People are living in conditions that are absolutely terrible. There are tens of thousands of local authority homes where people are living in shocking conditions. I raised this a number of weeks ago, when we tabled a Private Members' motion relating to housing maintenance. A number of Ministers explained to me that the new system, from this September, will be one of planned preventative maintenance. Is there any chance we could see that plan? Is there any chance we will see funding from Europe for this plan? A lady who contacted me by phone this morning said she is stressed out of her mind because of the conditions she and her family are living in.

Ahead of the previous European Council meeting, many contributors in the House warned of the potentially catastrophic consequences of the Israeli Government's planned incursion into Rafah. After an operation in which more 1 million people have been displaced, the Israeli Prime Minister expressed his hope that the ground operation in Rafah would be completed soon. He is moving on regardless. Following Ireland's decision to recognise the State of Palestine, he treated our ambassador unacceptably and tried to use his twisted logic to use our decision as a further excuse to threaten settlements in the occupied West Bank. The European Council must take a stronger approach than it has done on this. At previous Council meetings, there was no condemnation of Israel, which only provided space and time for Netanyahu to continue to flout international law and perpetrate war crimes with little or no consequence. We saw more of that his week with the footage of a Palestinian man strapped to the front of an army jeep.

Now that we have recognised the State of Palestine, it is time for that sentiment to be reflected at EU level. Ursula von der Leyen has presided over a disastrous misrepresentation of the EU on the actions of Israel, yet some in the House will still support her. Those representatives need to consider this position and instead urge their colleagues to focus on the EU-Israeli agreement, sanctions, and the options open to us to tackle the genocide happening in Gaza, rather than give their backing to someone who gives Netanyahu the room he needs to carry on regardless.

I must gather my thoughts and breath. I will not speak for too long. I have just left a committee meeting. As others stated, it is very important that the Irish position with regard to the ongoing war in Gaza - it is not being fought in Israel - is very much reiterated at the European Council, especially the humanitarian crisis that continues to unfold there.

I imagine that the Minister of State and her colleagues will also discuss, to quite a large degree, the ongoing war in Ukraine. I reiterate a very important point that I have made repeatedly. The Minister of State and I have children, as do many Members. Since the early months of the war, so many Ukrainian children have been displaced and are now unaccounted for on the Russian side of the border. It is reported by the Ukrainian media, although it has not been fully verified by international media, that these children are very much alive and are being minded in some institutions in Russia. Whatever about the war situation, and we are going to have to get to a point where some international peace deal is done, it seems to have left the public glare entirely that somewhere in the region of 8,000 children are no longer with their families and have been institutionalised by the Russian state in Russian territory. Away from the war, the big guns, the shooting and the killing, I would love to see Ireland, and the Minister of State in particular, championing the situation in respect of Ukrainian children.

It cannot all be about prisoner exchanges. That is an important factor in war. It is happening in Israel and Gaza and between Ukraine and Russia. There are prisoner exchanges. It is lovely to see soldiers reunited with their families after that, but there has been no exchange of children, although it is not exchange because it is one-way traffic. Children have certainly been trafficked over the border. We do not know about their welfare or where they are. It is a point repeatedly made by President Zelenskyy of Ukraine. The international community had its eye on that situation at one point but does not now.

I will make a point that relates more generally to the European Union. Quite some years ago now, we had the open skies agreement. There are various aviation agreements across the European bloc to ensure that aeroplanes can fly freely and without hindrance in the skies of Europe. There are also policies regarding landing slots and where aeroplanes can land and take off from. This does not just speak to the current problem we have in Ireland where Dublin Airport is very rapidly approaching its passenger cap. There needs to be some policy, or outlook at the very minimum, across Europe on regional airports. They do not seem to have the same backing of mothership Europe. We have very much become, not just in Ireland but across the European bloc, a model of aviation where airports in the capital have total dominance. In Dublin, the dominance is 89% market share. Cork, Shannon, in my constituency, and Knock airports all vie for approximately 11% market share. It is expected that market share for Dublin Airport will climb to about 93%. All these airports in the west of Ireland are vying for a very small percentage. If the cap is raised in Dublin and An Bord Pleanála grants planning for the new facility and the new tunnel - Dublin Airport already has the second runway - that dominant share will probably go into the high 90s. It then becomes very unsustainable for regional airports.

I am speaking about a local context in a national context but there is also a European context. When Ministers are in Europe, especially the Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, to meet their counterparts, it should become part of the dialogue in Europe that there has to be a more sustainable approach to aviation. As a country that is an island nation, we should be championing this. Without laying an extra concrete block there, Shannon Airport can double its capacity for passengers overnight. It has all of that capacity already. The same could probably be said for Cork and Knock airports. There is underutilised capacity, not just in Ireland but across the European bloc. I hope that could be introduced at some point.

As I said, the main thing is that we continue to be champions for the Gazan people. Championing the Gazan people is very different from supporting Hamas. I sometimes see discourse on Twitter where some people now say, absurdly, that Ireland has somehow aligned itself with Hamas. Nothing could be further from the truth. Hamas is a terror organisation. The message we have in this country is loud and clear. We have proudly stood alone for many months on supporting the Gazan people. We support the idea of statehood for Gaza and we stand with the civilians of Gaza, especially the children. I would also love to see the Minister of State raise the issue of those displaced Ukrainian children. I thank her for all her work.

I, too, am glad to speak today to statements on these pre-European Council meetings.

Ar an gcéad dul síos, I warmly congratulate my namesake and good friend and colleague through the years, the Minister, Deputy Michael McGrath, on his nomination to the position of Commissioner. I welcome that nomination. I hope that the different political machinations and interactions with colleagues all over Europe on the fringes of the European Council will ensure he is given a high powered and prestigious economic post because he is an accountant by trade in addition to being an exceptional TD and serving as Minister. I hope he will get a post that befits him. I wish him well in that. I hope the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister, Deputy Ryan, will lobby their respective groups for such a position. That would be beneficial because, while he will be a Commissioner for all of Europe, he will cast a caring eye over Éire.

The ongoing situation in Gaza is just abominable. Last week, an unfortunate injured man was strapped to the bonnet of an army jeep and driven down the road. It is just horrific. There are no bounds to what the Israelis will do. In some ways, our voice is being lost. As Deputy Crowe said, some accuse us of being supporters of Hamas. We are anything but. We could not envisage being supporters of Hamas because we remember the horrific attack it carried out at the start of this and the many attacks it has carried out over decades. We cannot be a patsy for Hamas.

Over the past couple of years, as both Taoiseach and Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin has made a number of comments as to our outdated neutrality and outdated wording. He also sent bandwagons to four or five meetings around the country. He rounded up all the NGOs, the usual suspects and a specially picked chair to change something that has served us well in previous wars and with other issues. We had more clout and were more respected when we maintained focus on the considered position of being neutral and on the assistance we gave and the part Irish soldiers played in many conflicts all over the world from the operation in the Congo and on to many others since then. It is shameful that the men who fought in that famous battle at Jadotville in the Congo still have not got the recognition they deserve. One of those people died recently. Many are elderly and infirm. They should get that recognition. In some cases, we are not able to get justice for people here in Ireland. Perhaps European co-operation could give us the nudge needed to give them the respect they deserve for their heroic deeds in that battle when they held off an opposing force for so long. The story has been well told but they have not been recognised.

To get back to tomorrow's meetings, we need to assert ourselves more independently and ardently in European affairs and at the European level. In comparison to the debate on the migration pact here, it was debated segment by segment over ten years at the European level. We could learn a lot from the way the Europeans do their business, although many of us reject much of what is passed over there. Some of the outgoing MEPs have suggested that 75% of legislation here comes in from Europe but at least the European institutions debate it and discuss it segment by segment. We are taking the whole package of the migrant pact without debating it segment by segment, without having any questions answered, without any worthwhile legal or parliamentary scrutiny and with indecent haste to get it through. I suppose the vote will pass tonight and the Taoiseach or whoever is attending will go off cocksure to say that we are once again the great boys of Europe and that we passed this pact without even questioning it. That is what we like to be in Europe. It is damaging to ourselves to be seen as lapdogs or lackeys that just take whatever we are given. We will not have the respect of other countries if we do not stand up for ourselves, our nation and our people, which is our duty under the Constitution.

These pre-European Council statements begin at a time when we have nominated a new EU Commissioner, the Minister for Finance, Deputy Michael McGrath. I wish him all the best. We are told that this week is a big week because this is when all of the negotiations and backroom dealing starts. I have heard it reported many times in the media and elsewhere that Ireland hopes to get one of those big jobs. I am really interested in what Ireland has to do in order to achieve that. Although I may move on and speak more broadly, I am referring specifically to the four Fianna Fáil candidates successfully elected as MEPs who stated consistently that they would not vote for Ursula von der Leyen for President of the European Commission if elected. This week, when the Tánaiste, Deputy Martin, was asked whether this would impact Ireland's opportunity to get one of those big jobs, he said that he intends to have a quiet word with his four MEPs or something to that effect. Perhaps he said the quiet part aloud. What does that quiet word consist of? Does it amount to telling these four MEPs who made the somewhat virtuous decision not to vote for Ursula von der Leyen because of the free rein she gave the State of Israel to annihilate Gaza that they must hold their nose and vote for her because we may get one of those big jobs? A more potent example of the 30 pieces of silver I have not seen.

I also note that others of the centre left and further left, including members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats grouping, say that they too will vote for Ursula von der Leyen in order to hold off a further arc to the far right. I am surprised that members of a grouping of socialists and democrats of the centre left who were also part of that grouping during the period of austerity that absolutely annihilated communities do not recognise that the far right does not have to get its candidates over the line in order to achieve its goals. We are told of the centre holding this time and yet we have witnessed performative violence over the past 12 to 18 months not only throughout Europe, but also here. I refer to the treatment of migrants, the altering of language, the changing of structures and the architectural violence of people who show up at our international protection office being given tents and sent towards the canal, where they pitch those tents in groups, before the State comes in to move them to the foothills of the mountains and erect fencing along a public amenity. Ukrainian women and older people who have come here are given 90 days before they too are out on the street. The far right does not need to get candidates over the line to achieve its aims. To be successful, it just needs people who wear nice suits and who consider themselves sensible to adopt its values in order to hold it off. It is an incredible shame that we continue not to learn those lessons.

I hope Ireland gets a position of influence in the European Commission and that we use it to stand up for what is right such as a fair and decent system of taxation that can alleviate poverty where it exists and accountability for those with whom we make trade agreements with humanitarian clauses built in. I hope that, if we achieve one of those big jobs, it will put us in a position of influence that enables us to hold a state such as Israel to account when it signs up to an agreement that includes a humanitarian clause such as Article 2 and then annihilates a population in the most brutal form and crosses every line including the bombing of hospitals, the killing of aid workers, the targeting of journalists and the absolute obliteration of children. Anything else does not really matter to us at this point. These actions erode the values of the European Union as I, possibly in my naivete, understand them.

The issue of the widening of EU accession is on the agenda again. Aspects of that will be welcome. We should remember that many of our first contributions on pre- and post-European Council statements before Russia's horrific invasion of Ukraine consisted of us raising rule-of-law issues in respect of LGBT exclusion zones and the horrific treatment of women and removal of reproductive rights that was happening in EU member countries. These should be brought back onto the table because we cannot forget the conflicts that are happening in people's everyday lives and in their homes in addition to horrendous invasions and wars against populaces.

I welcome the opportunity to take part in this discussion. I start with Ireland's recognition of the State of Palestine on 22 May, which was very welcome. I do not see that reflected here. There is nothing on the follow-up and the steps we need to take in any of the seven items listed on the agenda. I would have thought the EU-Israel trade agreement would have been top of the list when it comes to taking action.

All I can do is try to use my time to highlight that as a committed European who believes in the European project, but not in the context of the direction in which it is going. It lost its moral compass a long time ago. We are heading for a militarised Europe and a fortress Europe. I say that reluctantly because I have very good contact with some of the countries in Europe. We have very definite language on Ukraine and the illegal invasion by Russia, and we have very comprehensive support for the Ukraine initiatives and a rebuilding programme.

Then we look at Gaza. There is not the same language at all. We talk about humanitarian assistance. We talk about a ceasefire, which is the most basic thing and which would bring an end to people being slaughtered. We are not doing that. We are trading with Israel. America and Europe are sending arms and Israel is slaughtering people and committing genocide, but we have an agenda that does not reflect any of this. It refers to security, but we are endangering world security. We were told that less than a month after the Hamas invasion, which was wrong. When I say invasion, I mean its incursion across the border. Then there was the reaction by Israel which was out of all proportion and is genocidal. We were told it was a crisis for the world by the UN at that time. I have come in without my glasses so Members might forgive me, but it was highlighted that that is what happened. On 7 November, the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said that at that point it was becoming a “graveyard for children” and that “The nightmare in Gaza is more than a humanitarian crisis. It is a crisis of humanity”. I do not see that reflected anywhere.

The Minister of State is a committed European. As women, we have to look at the world differently. If we want to make a difference in politics, we should not continue with business as is. This is not anti-men, but that vision has got the world into the mess it is in. It is time for us to take it in a different direction. How many more people have to be slaughtered in our name? Some 37,396 Palestinians have been killed and 85,523 have been injured. How many reporters, human rights activists and organisations are going to be designated as terrorists with absolutely no evidence of that whatsoever? At what stage do we, as independent, sovereign Republic, say “Do not do this in our name. We will use our voice in a different way”? I hope the Minister of State is going to tell me that legislation will not be rushed through the Dáil in the next two weeks to loosen the triple lock.

I go back to something Deputy Gannon said. I wish the Minister, Deputy Michael McGrath, the best in Europe. What type of deal, if any ,has been done in relation to his appointment? If we look at the promises mentioned already by those who were successful in becoming MEPs for Fianna Fáil, they said they would not support von der Leyen. The Minister of State cannot answer for them, but surely the Government must know whether or not they will be voting for von der Leyen. This is somebody who has stood shoulder to shoulder with Netanyahu and who stands over a trade agreement that is completely against the articles in the agreement about human rights. Power is all that matters to the woman. At what stage will she say “No”?

I deplore what has happened with Ukraine. I also deplore what we have done with those who came here in dividing refugees from each other. I absolutely deplore that. I read out earlier on a situation in Galway where people who have got status are being given an eviction notice when there is nowhere to go. All of that was created by a Government policy that distinguished Ukrainian refugees under the directive from other asylum seekers. This just created division. I will not go over time because I am so strict on time when I am in the Chair.

I, too, welcome the opportunity to speak. In the aftermath of the elections, when we have MEPs going over to Europe to represent Ireland, it is important we reflect on where we are going in Europe and what we are doing. As Deputy Connolly stated, one of the items on the agenda is world security, but it is world peace we should be looking for. The world is at a point such that we are on the verge of witnessing even more bloodshed, injury and death. The European Union, as a political body, has a major role to play in the outcome of what is going on at the moment in the sense that it is an influencer and that is influence should be used to promote peace as opposed to taking sides. It was right to defend Ukraine. It is right to defend it on the basis that it was invaded by Russia. There have been many people killed and we do not know yet the extent of it because some of it we have not seen at all yet. The consequences are evident on our shores whereby we have so many people from Ukraine. The EU is a major player on the world stage in terms of politics, but also in terms of peace. Some MEPs who were elected made commitments before they were elected that they would not support Ursula von der Leyen for President. She has become a symbol of pro-Israel sentiment in all the conflict that is going on and it is time the MEPs decided and reflected on what message they want to give to the world. Ursula von der Leyen is not the person right now to be our President in Europe. That is a basic reflection. It is nothing personal; it is just that the image she creates is not what Europe or Ireland need at the moment.

As a small country which has experienced conflict, Ireland has a huge role to play within Europe. On that basis, I wish the Minister, Deputy Michael McGrath, the best of luck in his role, whatever it might be. I just hope there is not bartering going on for Commissioner positions being intermingled with support for Commission President. I say that straight up because we should not have that type of scenario going on. Deputy Michael McGrath, who will be the former Minister by this evening, has shown without a shadow of a doubt that he is well capable of taking on the role of Commissioner in whatever directorate he is put into. We wish him well on that, but I hope there is no bartering going on, or jockeying for position either.

Returning to the European Union and where it is at, there is a sense – and we are probably feeding into it – in that people we are getting into a stage where we are all about the military, defence and charging up the forces against attack instead of trying to make peace in the world. One of the other things people in rural Ireland look at is Europe's influence on how we live, how we do our business, the directives that come from the European Union and how they are transposed into law and the effect, or even the perceived effect, they can have on the lives of people here. The nature restoration law is one of those things in respect of which there was probably a significant amount of anxiety and worry. The only problem with it was that what was being done was never really communicated properly. That allowed people to take advantage and engage in a bit of scaremongering.

I think we have to look at how we transpose European law into Irish law, and how we do it for the benefit of this country, rather than being the best pupils in class in Europe. That is what was said to me when I was out on the doorsteps during the election in a rural constituency where they feel that Europe and governments are maybe removing themselves from the communities that make up the Union, and that rural communities, especially in small towns and villages, are forgotten in all of the glorious directives that come out with regard to how they affect people locally. I think the communication of what is happening in Europe back to the member states and into local areas is vital. I hope that in this new Parliament, we will see more of that - more communication from MEPs and from the Government on what is coming up so we can prepare and do the analysis on the effects for our country, good and bad, of whatever legislation is coming from Europe.

I will try to address the issues Deputies have raised, perhaps beginning with Deputy Canney as he is here and has just spoken.

While I agree with Deputy Canney's perspective about rural Ireland being reflected in the European Union, I remind him that it is the sons and daughters of rural Ireland who are representing Ireland in the political institutions in Europe. It is the sons and daughters of rural Ireland who are sitting with me, the Taoiseach or the range of Ministers at the European Council meetings. Sons and daughters of rural Ireland are representing it as MEPs, who come every part of Ireland. They are representing Ireland in the European Parliament, the permanent representation, and all of the different meetings that happen to advance legislation in the Commission. There are Irish representatives there at every stage. We discuss it here and we discuss it in our committees, and there is a democratic continuum all the time about the voice of every part of Europe but particularly Ireland and rural Ireland. We are part of that legislative making.

I agree with the Deputy that we have to always improve our communication. That is a never-ending task, and we try to do that. However, we must not separate ourselves in a "them and us" way with regard to Europe. We are Europe, and it is our people who are negotiating in the best possible way for Irish interests at every time, as well as moving the European project on further.

I also agree with the Deputy that it should be a world focused on peace, not security, but unfortunately we have an aggressor of the type we have in Russia, and the acts it has committed. There have been extraordinary human rights abuses in Ukraine, including the taking of somewhere between 10,000 and 100,000 children from Ukraine to Russia. They are stealing those children, keeping them, taking away their Ukrainian identities and making them Russian, forcibly taking them from their parents and adopting them into Russian families as Russia takes Ukrainian sovereign territory and destroys energy and critical civilian infrastructure. Ukraine has lost 68% of its energy-generating capacity. There are, I am informed, no glass factories left. There are very few windows in the areas that are bombed. It is going to be an unlivable winter in Ukraine, and that is deliberate. It is deliberate so that Russia can again weaponise migration right across Europe and force more Ukrainian refugees to Ireland and the rest of Europe.

This is deliberate and it is happening now, and so the security challenge is very different. I wish that we were not having any of these conversations but that is why, as Deputies have raised, security and the considerations around it is the new focus of the European Union. It is because of that, and because of the increased hybrid threats happening right across the Baltic states. My colleague, the Latvian foreign minister, says that it is not about a physical war but that the other war has begun. There are hundreds of cyberattacks in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania every day against private and state interests. Some of them get through and my colleagues there have to defend against this every single day. At the same time, they have to defend against misinformation about Ukrainian refugees, or this notion that somehow we will send the Ukrainian refugees back to the safe parts of Ukraine, and that this is an acceptable foreign policy at a time when it is not possible to determine what those parts are or what they are going to be. There is the disruption of weaponised migration, bringing people to the borders and forcing them across. It is not organic migration but weaponised migration. All of this is happening at the same time in a totally co-ordinated way that is designed to damage the democratic project that is the European Union.

Yes, we have differences on how Europe should go here or there but we are full participants in Europe and we make our voice heard, and heard loudly. This is particularly the case with regard to world peace and Gaza, and a number of Deputies have raised that so I will address it. Yesterday, at the General Affairs Council I took the strongest position on this, and Ireland consistently takes it. This includes the utter condemnation of Hamas and of the Israeli Government for the actions it has taken, and persistently raising the trade agreements, as the Leas-Cheann Comhairle said. The former Taoiseach, Deputy Leo Varadkar, raised it in February; the Taoiseach, Deputy Simon Harris, raised it in April; and I raised it yesterday. We are the country that is doing this. I was in Austria as part of my work as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs last week, and a random man in the hotel where I was staying thanked me for Ireland's position on Palestine. It is known even in Austria, which takes a different position, and there are very different positions in Europe on this. My Czechian colleague took a completely different position to us yesterday. However, we have managed to negotiate Europe towards the Irish position, which is about an immediate ceasefire. We got unanimous language on an immediate ceasefire. We did not have that a number of months ago, and it has moved to that position.

Yes, Deputies are right to say we have not got a response to our position on the trade agreement, but that does not mean we have stopped raising it. We have persistently raised that because we believe it is important and the right direction for the European Union. We are advocating for this strongly at every possible opportunity. We will continue to do that and work with colleagues to try to set out that position.

The broader position around security has to be stated and restated again with regard to what is happening in Ukraine. In recent months, we have seen hybrid attacks targeting the EU and its partners involving intimidation, sabotage, foreign information manipulation and interference, disinformation, malicious cyberactivities and as I said, the instrumentalisation - which is a fancy word for weaponisation - of migrants. This activity is totally unacceptable, and the European Union has to respond as a whole with firmness, determination and tangible action with all of the tools at its disposal.

We are making progress with respect to our capacity to counter this type of threat with the new EU diplomatic toolboxes on hybrid foreign interference and cybersecurity. The hybrid rapid-response teams will add new capability. My Lithuanian colleague, just yesterday, has looked for us to approach this even further because he is seeing the effect of this on a daily basis in Lithuania. We also have to consider whatever other options there are to respond to this Russian activity. The nature of that threat requires strong co-operation between like-minded countries and in that context, we are supportive of strengthening EU-NATO co-operation on hybrid threats because of the very real impact they are having on democracy and activity right across Europe.

Deputies have raised the importance of enlargement, and a number of them have raised the western Balkans. It is very important to think about the western Balkans. We really welcome, for example, not just the progress that Bosnia and Herzegovina has made but the steps which, in very difficult circumstances, other countries have made. Kosovo has made very significant developments and we have been active in calling for it to be able to join the Council of Europe and take further steps. We really support enlargement and the reason we support it is because we benefited from EU membership as a small country with an underdeveloped economy. We have seen the benefits in terms of both political stability and the opportunity to grow our economy and job opportunities for people who live here, both Irish people and other people who come to live here. We would want to see other countries have the same opportunity to develop.

However, we should think in particular about the geopolitical position of those countries and how close they are to Russia. We must consider what is happening to Georgia, which is such a pro-European country that only wants to talk about European integration but, at the same time, has a destabilising Russian influence in its current Georgian Dream government. Consider what is happening about the threat to Moldova. We began the intergovernmental accession conference yesterday, which is enormously positive for Moldova. It has had to take steps against a backdrop of oligarchs, disinformation and Russian disruption. There will be a vacuum in the Continent if we do not complete the enlargement process for the western Balkan states.

Deputies are right to highlight the drift that occurred over the previous two decades but the European Union has to take steps to bring in the western Balkans in a co-ordinated, rules-based and merit-based process. There is no question about that. However, if it does not, a vacuum will be created and others will step in. They will step in in the same way as this threat we have seen right across the eastern front, as it were. This is a real, live, existing problem and Europe has to think differently about it. In Ireland, we are not doing anything other than committing to our position of military non-alignment. However, that does not mean we do not need various weapons and other materials to defend our sovereign territory.

At present in Europe, it is difficult to procure weapons and the things that the Defence Forces would need because so much has gone to Ukraine from different countries. The supply chain is going towards Ukraine because of the considerable need there. Our defence budget is currently about €1.2 billion. Another neutral country in Europe, Austria, spends €3.3 billion on its defence. It is a much higher proportion of its GDP. We will have to increase our spending. To do that, we will want to join joint procurement models so that we can have better access to supply chains and we can achieve better prices for the Irish taxpayer. That does not mean we are creating a military-industrial complex, whatever that actually is. It means we are defending the interests of the Irish people and we are doing it in a strategic, intelligent and cost-effective way, because we have to.

These are the steps we are trying to advance on behalf of Irish people in defence of Ireland in the best possible way within the European Union. We do it every week. We are doing it together as Irish people. There is no "them and us". The sons and daughters of rural Ireland are representing Ireland in Brussels. The civil servants and political representatives are the people who are advancing Irish interests every week. It is not just the political representatives such as me, the Taoiseach and others, but Irish people doing it on behalf of Ireland. We must remember that solidarity within Ireland and for Ireland within Europe. We do exceptionally well because of our committed European status and the collaborative way in which we work with our partners. We advance our interests in a careful, strategic way. We do it well and we must remember the benefit we get from that excellent work.